Opinion
Rivers Civil Service And Graduate Unemployment
The Rivers State Civil Service, which was supposed to be one of the proper places for the absorption of youths of the state with university degrees or their equivalent, is now a haven for non-indigenes, most of whom are first school leaving certificate holders. A look at the state civil service today, shows a disconcerting scenario, where the number of first school certificate holders can be better imagined. The picture before us now is pitiable, most especially because of the fact that the number of youths from the state who are already graduates is rising by the day. Indeed, it is no news today that those with elementary six school certificates far outweigh the graduates of the state origin in the state service. In most of the ministries, departments, agencies and parastatals, the bulk of the people who do the top level jobs, and occupy the most sensitive and lucrative positions, wielding powers, are non-indigenes. But one irony of the situation is that these people found their way into the service with the assistance of wealthy politicians, traditional rulers and other top Rivers men and women, who should pointedly be the anchors for the fight against this malaise. Even among the few indigenes in the service, a good number of them possess low-level qualifications that can hardly compete in the ever-demanding and competitive work environment. While graduates roam the street in search of job. Why the reverse? Thus, their job descriptions leave them with subordinate responsibilities. In this circumstance, the issues of respect, integrity, commitment and dedication to duty continue to foist the state. But at a time when a lot of Rivers people are now graduates, what is the problem with the effort to replace this crop of people with young graduates from the state? Well, in the past, people with elementary six school certificates were employed from the state and even neighouring states who came in to drive the public service and make things happen for the people. They were regarded and respected then, and as a result, most of them climbed to senior positions in the ministries and parastatal agencies and departments. But today, the fate of such people is at stake as demand for university graduates and employment of real Rivers youths in the face of increasing restiveness and violence mounts. In fact, the government has gone even further by causing the House of Assembly to pass the state Employment Law, aimed at compelling companies operating in the state to engage low-skilled Rivers youths, as well as the graduates in meaningful employment. A survey of the employment situation in the state indicates that, apart from the private sector, the civil service is one of the institutions of society that has been hijacked by non-indigenes. And the worst of this problem is the fact that a number of these persons possess only first school leaving certificates, and have displaced Rivers youths who are better qualified, with university degrees. One continues to wonder what criteria those at the helm of affairs of the ministries, government departments, agencies and parastatals used to employ required manpower, who should offer the best to the state. Some of the graduates in the service, who may have wanted to put in their best to make the system work more effectively have seemingly realised that they have been short-changed. Thus, they have naturally devised different means of slowing down delivery of services by strategically undermining their innovative and ingenious skills, competences and knowledge. This has resulted in a major crisis of disaffection in the service. The spur given by some civil servants to their children to seek employment in the civil service for the fact that they are members of the senior staff cadre, has been negatively impacted by this development. The reason for this being that the youths no longer see their qualification as relevant in securing them gainful employment in the public service as a result of the prevailing situation where elementary six certificate holders hold sway in the government service. This in effect threatens their future. And the government needs to realise this. Therefore, proper standards need to be set by government for employment into the ministries. The youths need to be given a sense of belonging by reassuring them that they have a place in the ministries departments, and agencies to eke out a living after graduation. Once this assurance is made and guaranteed, then it is possible that the spate of restiveness and violence in the land would reduce for the better. Perhaps, there is nothing to blame for the current crisis in the Niger Delta region, than youth unemployment. It has lead to large scale criminality and other vices. The level of unemployment, poverty and attendant issues is traceable to the growing neglect of the past. The spectre of kidnapping, hostage taking, armed robbery, gangsterism, prostitution, and the other anti-social behaviours that plague our society point to a state, and of course, a nation adrift. No society can flourish amid these misdemeanors! So, where does this lead us to? The Amaechi-led government has emphasised its resolve to open up the work space to take in more youths who have been idle over the years. By so doing the government would have addressed one of the fundamental problems of our time – unemployment. Another strategy, and most important too, would be to engage more hands in the civil service through the various service commissions in the state. These include the State Civil Service Commission, Local Government Service Commission, Judicial Service Commission, Assembly Service Commission, as well as the numerous aggressive recruitment plans of the federal government through the military, paramilitary, civil service and other public service windows in compliance with the Federal Character Commission guidelines. If all these take the dare situation in the state into cognisance, then the employment problem in the state, and the daunting social crisis that has threatened peace and development, will reduce to the barest minimum. Nwikhana, a civil servant, resides in Port Harcourt.
Susan Lekara Nwikhana
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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