The process of decline and degeneration of human societies usually follow certain patterns, one of which is the hysteria and clamour of the masses who are often myopic. Mass hysteria usually comes about through working up sentiments and passions of the “madding crowd” by some interest groups. Mischief mongers know this psychology of mass hysteria and then use it as a means of causing social derailment. This pattern of social mischief is not new but an ancient one, ranging from the clamour for “crucify Him”, to a Nazi war cry: “Fuhrer, command, we will follow you”. Hysteria bears little or no conviction!
The doctrine of social and cultural dynamics, propounded by Professor Sorokin, states that the rise and fall of nations and power structures follow some definite patterns. One of Sorokin’s theories is that getting to the top of might and power is easier than sustaining the status and position; rather, hubris is an indicator that a sad decline would follow. Hubris is not just great and unreasonable pride, but it takes various clever guises, including clownish humility or obsessive paranoia. The pressure of positions of power usually bring about some strange mental aberrations.
Power is not usually an individual affair, even in a monarchy. In the modern times, getting to power demands the utilisation of mass hysteria as well as the building up of a power structure, via the aid of a cabal or influence peddlers. What political parties do in a democracy is usually the building up of some power structure and buying the support or loyalty of the masses, even if it is fake and hypocritical.
In a polity devoid of strong ideologies, exploitation of mass hysteria is usually the strategy which serves as gateway to power. One of the ready strategies used to create a crowd ready for exploitation is a political economy which institutionalises mass hunger, want and social deprivations. Thus “stomach infrastructure” has come to be a common political slogan in the service of political power game. Thanks to “money bags and godfathers”, the politics of stomach infrastructure has come to be a common practice in Nigeria.
Former Deputy National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Chief Bode George, was recently quoted as congratulating the people of Edo State for rejecting what he called bullion van democracy. The Tide newspaper of Monday, September 21, 2020, captioned that news as “Obaseki’s Victory: Edo People Rejected Bullion Van Democracy- Bode George”. Obviously, the idea of bullion van has to do with delivery of large sums of money, but in relation to democracy, it is not delivery to or from banks, but to influence elections. According to Chief George, Edo people were “bold and brave” enough to reject “bullion van democracy and outside interlopers”. Bullion van democracy is an exclusive cult of money-bags.
By “outside interlopers” Chief George meant “undemocratic forces” whose dark schemes and intrigues pervert democracy via the use of “bullion van” strategy. Such outside interlopers or undemocratic forces succeed in their schemes through the use of the malleable crowd as well as other agencies via the use of the “good soldier” that money is. Bullion van is synonymous with money while interlopers may include powerful godfathers.
Sorokin’s theories of social and cultural dynamics included the fact that money, apart from being a good soldier, is also a lubricant which makes the decline of a society possible. Money as a lubricant usually facilitates corrupt practices and consequently the fall and decay of kingdoms and power structures. Therefore, bullion van democracy is an idiom in Nigeria’s political economy, the same way “stomach infrastructure” points towards the use of hunger and poverty as means of making the hungry masses politically malleable.
Maslow’s theory of the hierarchy of human needs recognizes the prepotency of lower or basic needs which are usually of greater concern to the masses. There is no way that a poor and hungry man would show great concern on abstract ideals of democracy when a bullion van democracy addresses his stomach infrastructural need. So, power-hustlers and wheeler-dealers in god-father politics are expert psychologists in dealing with the poor and hungry masses. Coupled with the level of illiteracy and ignorance in Nigeria, it is doubtful if the masses can hold strong personal convictions and commitments on ideologies of democracy.
Higher needs having to do with self actualisation and nobler strivings and values, often come after basic needs of survival in a hostile world have been satisfied. Higher demands of an ideal life which democracy seeks to facilitate, are not the prepotent needs or concerns of the poor masses. This is where the doctrines of stomach infrastructure and bullion van democracy come in, which provide ample strategies for the patrons of politics of gangsterism -a do-or-die activity of money bags.
Bullion van democracy is the politics of the stomach, whose patrons are power merchants and whose foot soldiers are the hungry masses. Politics of the stomach represents politics of anti-democratic forces whose concern is crude power, fired by greed, avarice and material goals. Its strategy is the use of money to buy the crowd, via the use of gangsters. It is obvious that in an environment where a larger majority of the population are poor and ignorant, the use of gangsters and money can subvert the ideals and choices of a minority class of articulate citizens.
Masters of this strategy of using force, money and cunning to grab political power in a democracy are the anti-democratic forces who are usually powerful and rich persons. They include godfathers or sponsors of political aspirants, influence peddlers who also constitute a cabal or faceless powers behind the official power holders, and men of brute force who can be hired to carry out gangsterist operations. There are usually mercenaries in every society and in every sphere of human activities who can carry out dirty and dangerous jobs for a fee, without any obtrusion of the conscience.
Bullion van democracy as an idiom goes further to serve as an indictment on the political class and power merchants. One of the antics of politicians is to point fingers at the malfeasance of their rivals even when they engage in worse practices. Even though “Bullion van democracy” was coined with reference to the last Edo State election, it is obvious that the practice had been there long before now.
Dr. Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.