Opinion
Our Ku Klux-Klan Culture
Ku Klux-Klan (KKK) is defined in Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English as a “secret American political organization of Protestant White men who opposed people of other races or religions.” Activities of the dreadful KKK were at the peak during the era of slave labour in America, especially during the rising protests by Black slaves for freedom. A few White supporters who took side with the Black slaves in their agitations became the major targets of attack by the KKK. Arson was their trade mark, in addition to the use of arms to terrorise people. They were rarely arrested by security agencies despite the crimes they committed.
Therefore, Ku Klux-Klan culture has to do with acts of terrorism and arson by oppressive conservative forces, and acts of resistance by victims of oppression. What was Ku Klux-Klan in America long ago would be called cult groups in Nigeria today. Their peculiarities include organized, clandestine acts of terrorism and criminality, backed by faceless sponsors, with tentacles reaching out to vulnerable people in society.
In the case of America, even some high-ranking lawenforcement officers had sympathy for and gave some protection to the dreadful Ku Klux-Klan terrorists. Their goal was to preserve the conservative culture of slave masters.
The phenomenon of conservatism and oppression as well as the forces which oppose and resist tyranny and retrogression are global issues. Despite claims to democratic culture and a higher level of civilization, there are those who benefit from and trade in oppression and tyranny, neither is there any abatement in crimes against humanity. Forms of oppression merely wear new garbs.
The Ku Klux-Klan phenomenon evolved along with with capitalist movement, whereby wealth and power determined rights and positions in society. Religion also wore the garb of hypocrisy, whereby White supremacists and slave masters, as patrons of the KKK, would appear in priestly robes in the day, but at night wear masks to ply their trade. The story of Harriet Tubman, as a symbol of resistance to oppression and tyranny, stands as an eternal indictment on human hypocrisy. The house where Harriet lived in Auburn, New York, is a museum now owned and operated by African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church.
The story of Haiti, a nation that came into being by the heroic efforts of Black slaves, is another indictment on the hypocrisy of a “civilized world.” The people of Haiti fought and won a 10-year war with France (the bloodiest in modern history) and declared their independence. While other countries in the Americas operated slavery, Haiti in its 1805 Independence Constitution, provided freedom or any person of African descent arriving on its shores.
Sir Hilary Beckles, pro-Vice-Chancellor of the University of West Indies, left a record that the tragedy of Haiti did not come from natural disasters but from two nations – France and America. These nations, he said: “betrayed, failed and destroyed the dream that was Haiti; crushed to dust in an effort to destroy the flower of freedom and the seed of justice” by imposition of heavy debts.
Despite the greed, oppression and hypocrisy of powerful nations, groups and individuals, the resilience of the human spirit in the midst of adversities is a great tribute worthy of recognition. That a group of people came together to establish a secret organization devoted to gangsterism and terrorism on the ground of racial and religious differences, is also a sad tribute to the culture of oppression. The irony of human hypocrisy is that the high priests of gansterism and oppression are usually in the forefront in pointing fingers at weaker operators of same malfeasance.
If we take the example of leadership in Nigeria since 1960, we find the hypocrisy of a new regime always heaping blames upon and describing the immediate-past regime as the architect of every ill in the country. Yet, an average Nigerian holds the opinion that all those who had held political offices are the enemies and oppressors of the masses. Like the cabals of the Ku Klux-Klan who wore masks at night to operate, members of the Nigerian political class are not only clever gamblers and opportunists, but they are also smooth operators. The culture of resistance to such operators is a tribute to human resilience worthy of recognition.
Dr. Amirize is a retired lecturer at the Rivers State University, PH.
Bright Amirize
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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