Editorial
No To Press Council Bill 2018
Evidently, the Nigerian Press Council Bill 2018, now before the National Assembly (NASS) could arguably be described as the most contentious and controversial piece of legislation since the inception of the eighth Assembly in 2015.
Amid stiff opposition by media chiefs and practitioners and organisations, to wit; the Newspapers Proprietors Association of Nigeria (NPAN), Nigeria Guild of Editors (NGE), Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) and Nigeria Press Council (NPC), among other stakeholders, the proposed bill, from all indications, appears to re-invoke the spirit of the dreaded Decree 4 of 1984 and Decree 43 of 1993 which the military junta used to muzzle the Nigerian press and the entire citizenry.
Recently, the media was awash with reports of the speedy process by the National Assembly to pass the bill which currently is at the second reading stage in the Senate.
The general apprehension hovering over the bill as it relates to government’s interest in the bill, especially against the backdrop of the forthcoming 2019 general elections is quite understandable, as the ruling APC-led Federal Government and the political class may well be on their way to gag the press before, during and after the elections.
If the body language of the Federal Government is anything to go by, then, the President Muhammadu Buhari administration, in active connivance with the National Assembly wants to indirectly re-introduce Decree 4 of 1984 and Decree 43 of 1993 through the back door.
Ironically, the so-called Press Council Bill 2018 runs foul of the spirit of the 1999 Constitution as amended, as the supreme law of the country which unequivocally prescribes and proclaims the freedom of speech and expression as the fundamental and natural right of the citizenry.
Already, the media world has described the bill as unconstitutional, draconian and anti-people, stressing that it runs contrary to the principles of the rule of law. According to the press, the bill is actually subjudice, given that a case on the subject matter, is still pending in the Supreme Court.
The Tide no less agrees with views expressed by other practitioners that the bill is to all intents and purposes, draconian and anti-press freedom, being an amalgamation of the obnoxious Public Officers Protection Against False Accusation Decree No 4 of 1984 and the Newspapers Registration Decree 43 of 1993, which are both vestiges of the dark days of military rule and therefore, incurably and irreparably bad, and equally inconsistent with values of a democratic nation.
We think that the bill’s intention is to criminalise the journalism practice, in spite of the fact that the Constitution and other relevant statutes have enough provisions and avenues for seeking legal redress, if anybody or any corporate entity feels injured by any publication.
No doubt, if the bill is eventually passed into law, the Nigerian Press Council will usurp the powers of conventional courts in the country, and, therefore, assume extra-judicial powers not recognised by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
The bill, if assented to will incapacitate the media in the exercise of their statutory duties and obligations in accordance with Section 22 of the Constitution, to monitor governance and hold government and public officers accountable to the people.
Certainly, the bill violates Sections 1, 2 and 39 of the Constitution which state inter alia, “every person shall be entitled to freedom of expression, including freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference and without prejudice”.
Similarly, the bill runs foul of Article 9 of the African Charter on Human Rights (Ratification) and Enforcement Act No 2 of 1983 to which Nigeria is a signatory and which, truly is also part of the Nigerian Constitution.
Infact, we thought that the country’s lawmakers should have known better and, therefore, perform their legislative functions in total compliance with local and international laws and treaties, which they swore abnitio to protect and preserve at all times.
The Tide, therefore, demands that the bill should be dropped forthwith and that the National Assembly must act in consonance with best global practices by allowing the media to perform its constitutional roles and obligations to the citizenry.
We say so because all that Nigeria requires now, especially in the current democratic process are transparency, accountability, good governance and democracy dividends for the citizenry, with the ultimate goal of moving the country to the next level of socio-political and economic development.
Indeed, the country’s reputation and respectability within the global community would be worse off if the bill is eventually passed into law. A stitch in time, they say, saves nine.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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