Opinion
Solving Nigeria’s Economic Problem
It has become of primary importance to solve the economic crisis in Nigeria. Several ideologies have been spotted by different people in different fields, yet the economy is worsening.
Comparing the country today and decades back, it is obvious that the economy is on the deteriorating side. How then can this problem be solved?
Fifty-seven years after, we are still stuck in the mud. Observe the environs, you will see we can hardly boast of roads that are devoid of potholes. Public schools deteriorate, our hospitals remain in stagnant condition. Our international airports are an epitome of underdevelopment, civil service is at the point of decay. Nothing can easily be done in any public or private firm without corruption. Ethnic and religious crises are on the increase.
Nigeria, which is a product of the amalgamation of the northern and southern regions, initially was designed as a country that would experience a great trend of development as it combines the resources of both regions. But the reverse has become the case.
In 1960, Nigeria got her independence. This literally means Nigerians have been in charge of the government from 1960 till date. From 1960-1985, there are four development plans in Nigeria which were referred to as the First, Second, Third and Fourth National Development Plans. Each of them had a well articulated objectives. The full achievements were, however, interrupted by two major political events: the military intervention in 1966 and the civil war of 1967-70.
These major interruptions notwithstanding, both the federal and regional governments recorded a number of landmark achievements during the development plan period.
The federal government alone successfully executed projects like the oil refinery in Port Harcourt, the paper mill, the sugar mill and the Niger Dam (in Jebba and Bacita respectively), the Niger bridge and ports extension, while it also constructed a number of trunk ‘A’ roads.
It is interesting to note that it was also during this period that the first generation universities were established. Ibadan and Lagos by the federal government, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, (UNN), by the Eastern government and the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University) by the Western government. Despite the political crisis, these great achievements were made because of the existence of a working budget operated within the development plan framework.
General Yakubu Gowon launched the Second National Development Plan in 1970 on behalf of the federal and the government of the then twelve (12) states. Because it was a post war development plan, it focuses on rebuilding the destroyed economy and promotion of economic and social development in the new Nigeria.
The Third Development Plan was also launched by Gen. Gowon. The implementation of the plan which covered a five-year period from April 1975 – March 1980, failed to be implemented due to the change of government barely three months after the launch of the plan.
The Fourth National Development Plan was launched by President Shehu Shagari in 1981 on behalf of the federal and 19 states governments. This plan was again affected by the change of government in 1983 and another change in 1985.
The journey towards neglecting development plans in Nigeria started from October 1988, Babangida, in response to the problems encountered during the Fourth Development Plan, the five-year development plan, was left for a rolling plan.
This plan was to be operated along with a 12 to 20 year perspective plan and the normal operational annual budgets. In the same way that the traditional five-year development plan was jettisoned by the Babangida administration, the idea of rolling plan was also shelved in 1996 by General Sani Abacha for Vision 2010, which was launched on Sepember 18, 1996.
From our discussion so far, it can be seen that the military intervention in 1966 and its subsequent prolonged rule in Nigeria became the genesis of truncating the process of adhering to national development planning as a strategy for economic and social development.
Meanwhile corruption is one inherent feature that has hastened the deteriorating development status of this country. The federal, states and even local government is a team which has been on a quest to tackling the lingering corruption in Nigeria.
Within the last 3-4 decades, so much money had been made from oil, such that if properly managed, it would have made Nigeria a better place today. The money that is meant for infrastructure which will in turn foster development, had ended up in the pockets of private men and women who had been given the mandate to pursue the said national development. You will never hear that the refineries work completely rather, when it is at its peak then it must have worked upto 70% (percent). Meanwhile the looters go on embezzling 100% percent.
The establishment of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) as well as the Code of Conduct Bureau and its tribunal is a laudable start in the war against corruption. Unfortunately, though some successes have been registered by these bodies, the general impression is that the bodies have gone after the tail of the monster of corruption rather than its head.
If corruption is to be given a short shift in Nigeria, then the social, business and bureaucratic environments must be corruption hostile rather than friendly. This means that there must be well founded comprehensive public education and enlightenment programmes on the nature of corruption as well as the negative effects of corruption in the Nigerian polity.
Nigeria has indeed been endowed with all the human and natural resources it takes and requires to become a great African and world power. But she cannot achieve that potential by relying on mediocrity and people of questionable integrity to run her affairs.
I agree with the millions of Nigerians that think leadership is the major issue confronting the nation’s development and the failure to implement development plans and corruption generally. Nigeria today is an outcome of the wrong leaders that had emerged.
I therefore advise we should elect God-fearing leaders that have the country and its populace at heart. Leaders that are competent and patriotic. That is the solution to our present economic challenges.
Tamunosaki wrote from Port Harcourt.
Bobmanuel Tamunosaki
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
Opinion
Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform
Opinion
As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm
-
Politics3 days agoSenate Receives Tinubu’s 2026-2028 MTEF/FSP For Approval
-
News3 days agoRSG Lists Key Areas of 2026 Budget
-
Sports3 days agoNew W.White Cup: GSS Elekahia Emerged Champions
-
News3 days agoDangote Unveils N100bn Education Fund For Nigerian Students
-
News3 days agoTinubu Opens Bodo-Bonny Road …Fubara Expresses Gratitude
-
Sports3 days ago
Players Battle For Honours At PH International Polo Tourney
-
News3 days ago
Nigeria Tops Countries Ignoring Judgements -ECOWAS Court
-
Sports3 days agoAllStars Club Renovates Tennis Court… Appeal to Stop Misuse
