Editorial
That Super Falcons’ Bonuses Saga
It was obviously to the delight of every Nigerian that the nation’s senior female football team, the Super Falcons, lifted the golden trophy for the eighth time after subduing their Cameroonian counterparts at the finals of the 10th edition of the African Women’s Cup of Nations (AWCON) played in Yaounde, Cameroon, recently.
But several days after this heroic feat, what ordinarily should have attracted honour and pride to Nigerians effectively turned out as a national embarrassment when the government, rather than celebrate the victorious players, practically forced them into a situation where they had to protest against avoidable delays in the payment of their outstanding allowances and match bonuses.
The Super Falcons had, upon returning to the country from the AWCON tournament, declined to hand over their prized trophy to the nation’s football authorities except the latter fulfilled its promise to pay them all their outstanding benefits. There were even reports that the female footballers also refused to vacate their rooms at Agura Hotel in Abuja as an indication of their resolve to press home the demand for an immediate settlement of all their remaining entitlements. And in further defiance to renewed pleas and assurances of immediate payment, the protesting Falcons had marched to the National Assembly Complex to register their grouse against the authorities on a day President Muhammadu Buhari was expected in the building to present the 2017 Appropriation Bill.
While their protests lasted, a blame game was already playing out between the nation’s Sports Ministry and the Nigerian Football Federation (NFF). Secretary-General of the NFF, Mohammed Sanusi, had while pleading with the female footballers at their sit-in hotel, blamed the payment default on the Federal Government’s dire financial circumstances. According to him, “We know we have financial commitment to you and we have not at any time stated otherwise. But the money is not readily available … We will pay you all monies you are being owed as soon as we receive same from the government.”
But the Minister for Youth and Sports Development, Solomon Dalung, was said to have countered the NFF’s position while declaring open the72nd Annual General Assembly of the country’s football governing house. He was quoted as having blamed the payment saga on the way the NFF treated issues relating to the request of funds from the Federal Government for competition sponsorships:
“The NFF has formed the habit of requesting for funds for its programme at very short notice and thereafter resort to blackmail to hasten the approval and release of such funds from government. We cannot continue to administer our football in this manner any longer”
Dalung had also hinted at an alleged mismanagement of FIFA’s $1.1 million development grant to the NFF, leading to a suspension of any further funds releases to Nigeria by the world football governing body pending proper documentation of how $802,000 was spent from the earlier disbursements.
In any case, it took a presidential intervention for the Super Falcons to eventually receive their outstanding benefits amounting to about N358 million. In fact, this happened in less than 24 hours following a marching order from the Aso Rock Villa to the Ministers of Finance, Sports and Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation to -ensure immediate payment.
We recall that this is not the first time the Super Falcons and the nation’s football authorities have clashed over unpaid allowances and match bonuses. In 2004, the team had opted to remain in their hotel rooms back in South Africa on account of their unpaid entitlements by the then Nigeria Football Authority (NFA) three days after winning the African Women’s Championship for that year.
Indeed, disagreements over unpaid salaries, allowances and bonuses have become a recurring event between players, coaches, clubs and football administrators in Nigeria; often resulting in training boycotts days before crucial qualifiers or during major outings.
But beyond all this, The Tide believes that the latest bonuses saga could have been avoided if there existed a healthy chemistry between the Sports Ministry and the Amaju Pinnick-led NFF. From their respective positions on the issue, it was already apparent that whereas the Ministry believed that the football house still had enough FIFA dollars to offset such bills, the latter claimed to be cash-strapped and was naturally expecting government support.
In view of this, therefore, we urge the Federal Government to quickly review, if not abrogate, Decree 101 which seems to guarantee a major role for government in football administration. The NFF must be encouraged to be self-sustaining and resourceful by depending less on the state for sponsorship. This will hopefully ensure adequate planning and drafting of a lasting template for football administration rather than the fire-brigade approach employed over the years within the Sports Ministry and the NFF.
While we join other well-meaning Nigerians to congratulate the Super Falcons and decry the over politicisation of football management in Nigeria, we also charge the African champions not to be deterred but to forge ahead and win the women’s World Cup for the country. Nigeria, as the foremost black nation on Earth, has enormous human and material resources to conquer the world in female soccer and other sports competitions.
Editorial
2027: Beyond IGP’s Billboards Protection Order
As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections and campaign activities intensify, violence against opposition politicians has become an issue that can no longer be overlooked. What should be a season of competing ideas is increasingly turning into a test of intimidation, and early signs suggest that those challenging the ruling establishment are the primary targets.
It was, therefore, welcome news when the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, warned politicians, political thugs and others against destroying, defacing or removing campaign posters, banners and billboards. In a statement issued in Abuja by the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Ani Iniedu, the police condemned such acts as political intolerance, directed Commissioners of Police in all 36 States and the Federal Capital Territory to take preventive measures, and warned that sponsors would also face prosecution. The police rightly described such vandalism as a criminal act that undermines parties’ and candidates’ freedom to canvass for votes.
But billboards are replaceable; human lives are not. While applauding the IGP’s stance, we urge him to extend the same stern warning and enforcement zeal to thugs who assault opposition members during campaigns. A police force that punishes the tearing of a poster but ignores the breaking of a skull will have its priorities questioned. Allowing such attacks to continue could erode the foundations of our democracy.
Consider the African Democratic Congress (ADC) presidential campaign flag-off in Sokoto State on November 4, 2026. The party alleged that the State Government denied it access to public facilities, sealed its campaign venue and pressured hotels to reject its delegates, forcing it to hold the rally at its secretariat. The Sokoto authorities, however, denied instructing hotels to turn guests away. More seriously, two suspected ADC supporters were reportedly shot along the Sokoto–Wurno Road while travelling to the venue, allegedly by operatives of the Sokoto State Community Guards.
Whatever the truth of these competing accounts, a shooting demands more than press statements. It requires a transparent, independent investigation and prosecution where warranted. Sokoto was not an isolated incident. The following day in Birnin Kebbi, the ADC presidential campaign convoy was reportedly attacked by armed gangs. Amnesty International said vehicles were vandalised, people assaulted with cutlasses and roads blocked, while the party’s Kebbi governorship candidate, Abubakar Malami, alleged that media equipment was destroyed and tear gas deployed. His convoy had suffered a similar attack in the city in September 2025.
The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) has suffered similar attacks. On November 4, hoodlums stoned the motorcade of its presidential candidate, Peter Obi, and running mate, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, at Watt Market roundabout in Calabar, Cross River State. Police reported arresting a 27-year-old suspect, Victor Edet, although it remains unclear whether he has been arraigned. The State Government has denied suggestions that ruling-party supporters were responsible. Worse, in Asaba, Delta State, one person was killed and five injured when suspected thugs attacked an NDC rally. A death at a political rally is no longer a warning; it is a damning indictment of the prevailing political climate.
Even critics of the establishment who are not frontrunners have not been spared. Omoyele Sowore, presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), was attacked by suspected thugs at a restaurant in Ado-Ekiti on October 30. He alleged that the assailants were linked to the Ekiti State Government House and that the Department of State Services leaked his location. Both the State Government and the security service denied involvement, while the police reported a minor injury and a discreet investigation. These conflicting accounts make an independent, publicly reported inquiry indispensable.
What deepens the concern is the Federal Government’s apparent silence. We are unaware of any specific, forceful condemnation of these assaults, even as All Progressives Congress (APC) rallies appear to proceed nationwide without incident. Such silence can easily be misconstrued as complicity, regardless of intent.
According to the Centre for Democracy and Development, 109 election-related deaths were recorded in the build-up to the 2023 polls. The Kimpact Development Initiative separately documented 238 incidents and 24 deaths during the general elections. Beyond Nigeria, Kenya’s 2007–08 post-election violence claimed more than 1,000 lives, according to the Waki Commission. Ghana, by contrast, enacted the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act in 2019 to curb party vigilante groups, a model worth studying.
The remedies are neither exotic nor expensive. The IGP should extend his directive to cover assaults on individuals and disruptions of rallies, while establishing a dedicated investigative unit to probe the Sokoto shooting and the attacks in Kebbi, Calabar, Asaba and Ado-Ekiti. It should publish the status of each case within a fixed period. Suspects must be prosecuted and their sponsors, regardless of party or position, brought to justice. State-backed security outfits, including the Community Guards, should be audited and barred from partisan duties.
The Federal Government must speak and act unequivocally. President Tinubu should specifically condemn attacks on opposition candidates and direct all security agencies to guarantee equal protection for every party. Governors must ensure equal access to public facilities for registered parties. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which has warned of fines and imprisonment under the Electoral Act 2026 for inflammatory campaign conduct, should enforce the Code of Conduct for Political Parties. Working with the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security, it should publish a joint security plan covering campaigns, polling, and collation. Parties must discipline their supporters, courts expedite electoral-violence trials, and civil society and the media maintain a public record of incidents and their outcomes.
The credibility of the 2027 elections is at stake. An election is credible only when every contender can campaign, travel, assemble and speak freely, without fear. Without a free opposition, there can be no meaningful democracy. Nigeria is not a one-party State, and law enforcement agencies must demonstrate their neutrality through action, not communiqués. The campaign atmosphere is too tense to be left to chance. Billboards deserve protection, certainly, but citizens deserve it far more.
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