Opinion
2015 Polls: The Media And CSOs (1)
The Executive Direc
tor of Media Rights Agenda, Lagos, Mr Edetaen Ojo once asserted that conflicts are a part of the democratic process, which is a manifestation of the interaction between opposing views. According to him, the competition of ideas and views from a variety of sources is the essence of any democratic arrangement, but averred that it should be managed to draw out the best of ideas for the making of choices by the electorate.
In most democratic systems of the world, this assertion is sacrosanct. In Nigeria, for instance, conflicts or electoral violence have become powerful indicators of ineffective communion and policing of elections. Poor communication among politicians and their supporters as well as technological and logistic problems arise in the course of elections, which contribute to violence. In fact, conflict in Nigeria during elections is an inherent element. It is obvious that when competing parties insist on the posture of winning by all means, there must occur conflicts, sometimes, violent conflicts since the parties have conflicting interests.
It is against this backdrop that the Civil Society Organisations ( CSOs) and the media in Nigeria decided to form a synergy ahead of the 2015 general elections. At an awareness workshop put together by the centre for Civic Education, known as the Transition Monitoring Group, (TMG) and sponsored by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Enugu recently, the two groups from the South-East geo-political zone signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) for the purpose of proper monitoring and reporting of the polls before, during and after.
The MoU provided for a mutual partnership between them on the best way to ensure sustainable democracy in the country. Dr Ogbu, an associate professor of law at the Odumegwu Ojukwu University and South East Zonal Coordinator of TMG, explained that since it was difficult to deploy election monitors to the 120,000 polling units across the country, a representative sample of areas to cover would be adopted. This, he noted, would also help to find out all that would happen in the various polling units by the use of communication gadgets and collated reports forwarded to the headquarters of the organisation in Abuja.
In her paper, a resource person, Dr Ifeoma Dunu of the Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka said, “as the 2015 elections draw nearer, we should realise that we are at the threshold of deciding the fate of this country for the next decade and as such, it becomes imperative that we use whatever we have at our disposal to get it right”. As she put it, “To achieve free and fair election and ensure credibility of the electoral process, the media reportage of electoral events, must uphold the code of ethics for journalists”, adding that good journalistic practice in election reporting must take cognizance of accuracy, responsibility, the fairness doctrine, balance reporting and conflict sensitive reporting.
In actual sense, the Nigerian media should at this time of the country’s general election ensure that all these are done despite the enormous challenges facing them. There is a clear lack of professionalism in some sections of the media as the journalists sometimes fail to properly verify information resources before reporting, and this sometimes heightens tension during election period and could result in conflict. The media must bear in mind that their coverage and reportage of the 2015 elections would go a long way in determining the success of the elections and stability of the country.
Violent conflict during election endangers the democratic process because it undermines the integrity of the electoral process and the freewill of the electorate to make democratic choices. The rate of violence pervading parts of the country must be given serious attention before it goes out of control. Nigeria should not be made to plunge into another war-like crisis because of a few individuals desperate to grab power only for their selfish interests.
Election violence in Nigeria dates as far back as 1959 when men and women were involved in electoral violence although there has been a notable reduction in the level of election violence since that period. Evaluating the transition to civil rule in 1998 and 1999, one would say that those elections were mostly peaceful and this could be attributable to the fact that the elections were supervised by the military since people were aware that violent eruptions would be met with force. But we cannot forget that there was electoral violence in some parts of the country such as the Niger Delta where elections were not conducted as a result of threats of boycotts and unrest in those areas. Youths destroyed ballot papers and frightened prospective voters through firing of gun-shots.
Shedie Okpara
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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