Opinion
What Hope For Nigeria’s Poor
According to the latest data from Nigeria’s Bureau
of Statistics, NBS, 100 million Nigerians live below a dollar a day, and 112 million of an estimated 168 million Nigerians are poor. The poor are in overwhelming majority and should matter most in a democratic regime; after all, these numbers hold the electoral power. So the important question we must ask today of Nigeria 2014, the ‘Transformed Nigeria,’ is; what is in it for the poor?
This week, the president of Nigeria celebrated the release of the first assembled in Nigeria cars. Assembling cars in Nigeria is touted as one of President Jonathan’s chief accomplishments; we are developing, or is this not so? But what is in it for the poor? Nigerians have been succeeding in begging and protesting for the postponement of the Tokunbo (used) car importation pseudo- ban.
Very surprisingly, there have not yet been any serious riots. With this ‘ban,’ the increased tariff on importation will as much as double the cost to import cars. This regulation was a deal Nigeria’s government via its transportation ministry struck with the car assembly plants to entice them to assemble in Nigeria. Goodluck Jonathan is peculiarly advertising the production as an export initiative.
‘We will soon be exporting cars,’ the President says. But this is definitely not the main expected source of customers for the Nigeria assembled cars. The big companies want to force the sale on Nigerians. While forcing new cars on Nigerians cannot be outrightly condemned as exclusive oligopolistic extortion; the issue here again is, what is in this for the poor? How will the poor who purchase and share vehicles bought at about 1 million naira get vehicles tomorrow?
For the rich, they will still import fancy vehicles, not flustered about pay the new hiked import tariffs. The rich after all import cars often by air freight, willing to pay as much as $30,000 to get their cars to Nigeria a week or two faster than by 19 day express container shipping that’s one twentieth the cost; so the rich will not be adversely affected being able to afford the brand new assembled-in-Nigeria vehicles and still importing their fancy rides; but the poor? Will we be condemned to walking?
Are the assembly plants making cars like the Indian TATA, cheap, yet reliable cars that will sell for under a million naira? Is a state- and city- wide metro rail transport system available to ferry the Nigerians who will no longer be able to afford cars? It will be interesting to watch the coming weeks and months to see how Nigeria’s masses will react to any possible actualization of the ban on their only source of affordable vehicles and transportation.
Indeed we do see housing initiatives in most states; low cost housing estates being constructed to allegedly make housing affordable for the middle class Nigerian. This is commendable, but again, the question is- what is in it for the poor? Can Nigeria’s poor afford loans to instalmentally pay toward owning these ‘affordable homes?’ In ‘developed’ societies like America, we have what is called ‘Projects accommodation.’
In America, Great Britain, Europe, we have rent stabilized housing welfare programs that enable the poor obtain and retain affordable rented apartments in the heart of big cities. They do not have to live in huts on the outskirts and commute for hours a day to the cities where they earn meager living. Are there ‘project buildings’ in Lagos or Abuja? Projects are not homes to own, the poor are not set up to own homes, remember over a million Nigerians make less than a dollar a day; they will never own homes. Projects and rent stabilised city housing plans are designed to work based on the assessed income of any and all disadvantaged citizen to make sure that as long as he has no work or earns peanuts, he is accorded the ability to rent decent accommodation in the heart or near enough to the centers of city activity.
This welfare and ‘projects’ housing is essential in any progressive society to reduce the effects of social inequality and dampen crime. Is there any such agenda in the current ‘transformation’ Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy is embarking on? Will the poor continue to be ostracized and relegated to the fringes of society?
Boko Haram in the north; MEND, oil vandalism, armed robbery, high sea piracy and what have we, all over Nigeria, are globally recognized crippling insecurity challenges that continue to make life meaningless in Nigeria. Billions are being committed to allegedly battling insecurity. But what is here for the poor? Nigeria’s wealthy are huddling closer together, living in fenced, protected communities in Abuja and Lagos. Today there are two Nigeria’s, far apart in every ramification.
The wealthy of Nigeria are insulated from crime and terror. They drive in bomb proof vehicles and never use public bus stops; hence seriously tackling and curbing the terror menaces plaguing the nation are really not crises they can relate to. It is the poor who are at risk of getting robbed and killed every day they go to bus stops, public markets or sleep at home.
So, the question again in Nigeria of today and tomorrow is – in terms of security, and the political maneuvers in Nigeria’s States and being processed from the capital, Abuja, what is in it for the poor?
This conversation can unfortunately be extended to almost all social construction including employment, health, credit and even sublime social, government governed opportunities like hope and happiness. As we analyze our existence as the powerful majority subjects of the current political disposition and decide what to do politically, if politically, and how to poise ourselves in our best interests, it is important we are hyperopic (far-sighted) and ruminate over the pressing question: Nigeria of today and tomorrow, what is in it for the poor?
Dr Brimah is a commentator on contemporary
issues.
Peregrino Brimah
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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