Opinion
Is The North Bleeding?
The common news in town currently is that the North is bleeding, which is not a cheering situation, because the unity and oneness of life mean that an injury to one is an injury to all. It was pathetic to hear the voice of a distraught woman, on a radio, confess to regretting voting for “Baba”. It is in the nature of humans to be carried away by sentiments, such that wrong decisions and choices can be made, whose consequence becomes irreparable. It is also in the character of humans that present realities are rarely appreciated until when they are past and gone.
It is futile to argue whether one regime was better or worse than the other, or make comparative analysis when the situation at hand demands a total paradigm shift. Even the alleged statement of a former President that the present one has nothing better to offer than what we have already had, represents what is common with humans. Dancers rarely see their back while they are on stage, neither would praise singers stop giving accolades while the dancer is still dancing. Rather, we see and assess performances better usually when the show is over and actors off the stage.
Obviously, the current situation in Nigeria did not start with the current regime; rather, what is sad is any “would-be-saviour” coming on stage without a proper grasp of the reality on ground, before taking on such task. Those who know how creation is ordered and regulated do know that every situation or effect has an underlying cause, nor can wine be squeezed out of rock or stone. Apart from some known errors made by departing colonial masters, first batch of Nigerian politicians had different world views, orientations, aspirations and affiliations, exposed in 1966.
The cry of “araba” or separation by some lynching mob in 1966 was quickly suppressed by those who knew what would be missed if such agendum was pursued. The idea of wanting to eat our cake and still try to have it, what we call corruption. That faulty mindset is expressed in the current assertion that Nigeria’s unity is not negotiable. Yes, unity is an ideal state to cherish, but where such professed unity becomes a cover for injustices and other malpractices, then such marriage of convenience and lechery would rarely endure. Protests would arise!
Specifically, a second or revenge military coup of July 1966, brought to light a number of issues which many Nigerians would not want to be brought to light. Before the event of July 1966, one had the opportunity of being assigned to some foreign intelligence officers and one priest from Cyprus, on a tour of some towns in Northern Nigeria. One sad experience which the team witnessed was the action of a lynching mob in Kaduna, where a baby was ripped out of the womb of a pregnant woman. Before dying, the woman placed curses on the perpetrators of the act and the region which they represented.
The orgy was so barbaric that those who sought to help were in danger of being lynched as well. The curses and dying declarations of the woman killed in labour, made in Igbo language, did obviously not go in vain. Why did some highly placed Nigerians insist that no public enquiry must be made of what took place in Northern Nigeria between July 1966 and March 1967? Neither was any individual or group spared that tried to keep or preserve any record or picture of what took place in various parts of the North. Such sad events account partly for what we experience now.
It was suggested long ago that those who have a practice of hiring and inviting diviners and marabout from Sudan to do some exorcism as an official engagement, should also do a similar thing to pacify the soul of the woman lynched in labour in 1966. There were certainly many such acts of barbarism across the entire Northern Nigeria, which gave rise to Easterners declaring a state of Biafra which failed to stand. It cannot be that Nigerians have forgotten that ugly episode of our history so quickly, neither should a flashback on that episode be seen as a hate speech. The idea is to stress that we are usually visited by our past.
The Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) provided opportunity not only for a lopsided representation, but also for placing certain parts of the country in a position of gross disadvantage. Without talking about a war indemnity, it became obvious that the oil and gas resources of the Niger Delta region of the country quelled some vexation. From a revelation by Senator Ita Enang and records of the Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI), it became known that over 83 per cent of the ownership of Nigeria’s oil blocks are in the hands of Northerners. It is also factual that the gang-up against Goodluck Jonathan’s second-term presidency was based on possible reversal of oil blocks allocation, which is shrouded in secrecy.
There is no quarrel between different ethnic groups in Nigeria, but some disadvantaged Nigerians have serious quarrels with the Nigerian political economy. Many Nigerians rarely know the parasitic and predatory nature of the nation’s political economy, and, the few who know, fear being intimidated by various strategies. But now as the true nature of Nigeria’s political economy begins to bite her citizens there is a growing awareness; South and North!
Hardly is any crime perfect, no matter how perfectly and craftily it may be planned and executed. Nigerians became suspicious when political parties were formed and 1999 election held without anyone knowing or seeing the constitution crafted by the military but because of the desire to get rid of the military, no issue was raised. Now the truth has come to light that the Nigerian political economy must be restructured if the survival of the nation can be guaranteed. But those who have everything to hide with regards to secret deals in oil block allocations, would stand against restructuring, as they earlier ganged up against Jonathan.
While over 80 per cent of Nigerians are poor, hungry and jobless, why are Nigerian lawmakers taking millions of Naira every month as remunerations? Why are protesters visited with utmost venom by law enforcement agents? Can the custodians of the toxic political economy be the appropriate agents to restructure the predatory system being operated in Nigeria? There is a limit to the survival of an oligopoly which is a system of political economy in which 80 per cent of a nation’s resources are controlled and enjoyed by less than 20 per cent of the citizens. It breeds protests!
There is also a limit to the suppression of legitimate protests arising from mass hunger and disappointment with an unimpressive management of affairs that touch the lives of millions of citizens. Despite the passage of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), it cannot be said that the shenanigans of the oil and gas resources of the Niger Delta communities have been resolved. Where justice and transparency reign, neither the North nor the South of Nigeria would bleed. The Nigerian situation calls for immediate, appropriate action, using the language of Justice!
By: Bright Amirize
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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