Editorial
A Case For The Girl-Child
The plight of the Girl-Child in the world,
especially in Sub-Saharan Africa,
particularly some cultures in Nigeria is a sad commentary of systemic dehumanisation, discrimination, emotional torture, deprivation, rights denial, near-frequent harassment and intimidation. Subjugated primarily into second class citizenship, the common view, even among parents over the years, has remained that a girl’s place ends in the kitchen.
That being the case, investment in the girl child’s education seems to them a waste and the delay in marrying her out early, to take her place in the kitchen, a cultural misstep. In some cultures, girls below 10 years are given out in marriage and in months become mothers with its attendant health challenges.
A major risk is that, with no prior empowerment or capacity building on account of lack of education or life skills, such a girl becomes a problem not only to herself but to society, in the event of early widowhood. They are then forced to join the army of destitute citizens who litter major cities and towns begging for alms to survive.
The vulnerability of the girl child in Nigeria can best be felt in the number of rape cases, most of them unreported for fear of stigmatisation, abductions and imposition of religion. Some are not only pushed into early marriage but also forced to embrace the religion of her forced husband.
The case of the Chibok school girls abducted April 14, 2014, the recent release of 21 and high expectations for another 83 others, is a sad reminder of the painful and near helpless vulnerability of the girl-child that requires society’s empathy. The worth of a given society is judged not by the affluence of its most powerful members but indeed the weakest part of societal chain, which the girl-child represents.
Happily, civil society groups and professional organisations in Nigeria, like the Federation of Female Lawyers (FIDA) have, for sometime now, not merely helped to sensitise society about the need to restore the self worth of the girl-child but also helped in her defence against predatory behaviours of some red-eyed males.
The experience of the girl-child in Nigeria is indeed a disturbing spectrum and a window into the unwholesome plight of her ilk elsewhere in the world, and has over the years, engaged the attention of the United Nations. To address the fluctuating fortunes of the girl-child, especially in under-developed countries and other dictatorships, the UN set aside October 11, every year as a platform for focusing proper attention on the problem.
This year’s observance, with the theme: “Girls Progress – Goals Progress: A Global Data Movement’ was intended to have a comprehensive grip of the subject matter through appropriate data gathering. This is because, of the over 70 percent of the 1.1 billion girls that daily face the dehumanising experiences, less than 20 percent is actually reported. It could even be far less.
The Tide, believes that leveraging on this year’s observance, which also coincides with the release of 21 Chibok school girls, abducted since 2014, will help sustain the momentum. It is expected that governments at all levels would use the special day as a spring board to launch the girl-child to her place of glory and restore her self worth.
Some ways of achieving that would be to make girl-child education free and compulsory in every part of the country; outlaw early marriage; establish skills-acquisition and craft development centres. In addition to these, the girl-child should be encouraged to take leadership positions very early in life as a sure way of boosting her confidence.
That may however, only succeed when the girls are obliged the opportunity of under-studying female role models, in different sectors, especially in politics. A situation where, the female politician, no matter her qualifications, still lacks the capacity to aspire to certain public offices may well remain an impediment towards realising the dreams of the girl-child.
The Tide is, however, optimistic that if attention the recently released Chibok school girls are getting from the Federal Government, is allowed to trickle down, it would, without a doubt, hasten the reversal of the girl-child’s horrific story of disillusionment to that of hope.
More importantly, it will complement the call for action for increased investment in collecting and analysing girl-focused, girl-relevant, sex-disaggregated data. One year into the 2030 agenda for sustainable development, improving data on girls and addressing the issues that are holding them back is critical for fulfilling the Sustainable Development Goals.
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Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
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