Editorial
That Sovereign Wealth Fund
Last Tuesday, the National Executive Council (NEC) approved the substitution of the nation’s existing Excess Crude Account (ECA) with a new National Sovereign Wealth Fund (NSWF).
The new Fund, according to NEC, would be subject to approval by the National Assembly before its take off in few months time.
The birth of the NSWF, which did not come as a surprise to many Nigerians, perhaps, signifies the end of the unending controversies surrounding the application of the ECA.
Explaining the modus operandi and the rationale behind its creation, the minister of finance, Mr Olusegun Aganga, said the the new fund is an embodiment of robust institutional framework and strong fiscal policy for managing excess crude earnings, with the advantage of a stabilization fund structured to boost infrastructure and other developmental needs of the country.
NEC, with the Acting President, Goodluck Jonathan as Chairman, agreed on the need to depart from the vagaries of the past that marred execution of the Excess Crude Account, by ensuring a legal backing for the National Sovereign Wealth Fund. By that, the NSWF would enjoy legitimacy which the ECA, a product of political and economic expediency, was bereft of.
The Council members shared a common cardinal objective for setting up the new fund , that time has come to save for the future, rather than expend all revenue generated in the country.
That was the major shortfall of the Excess Crude Account, leading to its regular depletion, otherwise it was used as revenue complement when oil price ebbed.
If anything, the ECA was more dead than alive on arrival, as it was left to the whims and caprices of corrupt leaders, an oversight responsible for the devisive tendencies between the federal and state governments. In fact, it became a matter for the courts to decide how it should be shared.
ECA’s regular slide from $20.1, billion to $7.8 billion, between 2008 and 2009, was noteworthy and alarming, which informed the warning from World Bank Director and Nigeria’s former finance minister, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala. She suggested a policy action by the federal government, Central Bank of Nigeria and the Ministry of Finance to arrest the situation.
Still on its unstable nature, the Revenue Mobilization, Allocation and fiscal commission (RMAFC), last year, criticized management of the Excess Crude Account, noting that government was depleting the account when no single dollar accrued from crude sale between August to October, save the much that came from other sources.
Apparently, NEC’s option for the new NWSF is shared by many. But we wish to advise that the primary pitfalls of ECA are still very much around and ready to threaten the existence of the Sovereign Wealth Fund if not well managed.
For instance, certain basic rules that stimulate wealth creation and financial discipline must be kept for the SWF to succeed. They include: flexible and market based exchange rate, curbing fiscal deficit, checking debt increase (domestic borrowing) and transparent bank recapitalisation.
While we share NEC’s policy of saving for the future, therefore, we maintain that these conditions if not adhered to would translate government’s new plan to merely storing an old wine in a new vessel.
Again, we make haste to add that the “Nigerian factor” must not bedevil the operation of the new fund. Rather than create a loophole (despite the legal framework) for corrupt leaders to abuse the fund and challenge aggrieved persons in court, let the status quo remain.
After all, it would amount to a lesser evil if part of the fund is channelled to special projects while the rest is shared among the states.
Indeed, only a workable legal framework, supported by strong political will, can ensure a successful Sovereign Wealth Fund.
But just as we plan for the rainy day, it is our opinion that the federal government, through the SWF, should set aside specific fund to fast-track infrastructural and sectoral development in the states.
We welcome the NSWF, in the belief that if well managed, it would serve as the much needed stabilizing factor in the nation’s sources of revenue generation and savings. In addition, it would save the nation from more borrowing and larger deficit, should our yearly oil revenue assumption in the budget fail.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
Editorial
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