Editorial
That Sovereign Wealth Fund
Last Tuesday, the National Executive Council (NEC) approved the substitution of the nation’s existing Excess Crude Account (ECA) with a new National Sovereign Wealth Fund (NSWF).
The new Fund, according to NEC, would be subject to approval by the National Assembly before its take off in few months time.
The birth of the NSWF, which did not come as a surprise to many Nigerians, perhaps, signifies the end of the unending controversies surrounding the application of the ECA.
Explaining the modus operandi and the rationale behind its creation, the minister of finance, Mr Olusegun Aganga, said the the new fund is an embodiment of robust institutional framework and strong fiscal policy for managing excess crude earnings, with the advantage of a stabilization fund structured to boost infrastructure and other developmental needs of the country.
NEC, with the Acting President, Goodluck Jonathan as Chairman, agreed on the need to depart from the vagaries of the past that marred execution of the Excess Crude Account, by ensuring a legal backing for the National Sovereign Wealth Fund. By that, the NSWF would enjoy legitimacy which the ECA, a product of political and economic expediency, was bereft of.
The Council members shared a common cardinal objective for setting up the new fund , that time has come to save for the future, rather than expend all revenue generated in the country.
That was the major shortfall of the Excess Crude Account, leading to its regular depletion, otherwise it was used as revenue complement when oil price ebbed.
If anything, the ECA was more dead than alive on arrival, as it was left to the whims and caprices of corrupt leaders, an oversight responsible for the devisive tendencies between the federal and state governments. In fact, it became a matter for the courts to decide how it should be shared.
ECA’s regular slide from $20.1, billion to $7.8 billion, between 2008 and 2009, was noteworthy and alarming, which informed the warning from World Bank Director and Nigeria’s former finance minister, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala. She suggested a policy action by the federal government, Central Bank of Nigeria and the Ministry of Finance to arrest the situation.
Still on its unstable nature, the Revenue Mobilization, Allocation and fiscal commission (RMAFC), last year, criticized management of the Excess Crude Account, noting that government was depleting the account when no single dollar accrued from crude sale between August to October, save the much that came from other sources.
Apparently, NEC’s option for the new NWSF is shared by many. But we wish to advise that the primary pitfalls of ECA are still very much around and ready to threaten the existence of the Sovereign Wealth Fund if not well managed.
For instance, certain basic rules that stimulate wealth creation and financial discipline must be kept for the SWF to succeed. They include: flexible and market based exchange rate, curbing fiscal deficit, checking debt increase (domestic borrowing) and transparent bank recapitalisation.
While we share NEC’s policy of saving for the future, therefore, we maintain that these conditions if not adhered to would translate government’s new plan to merely storing an old wine in a new vessel.
Again, we make haste to add that the “Nigerian factor” must not bedevil the operation of the new fund. Rather than create a loophole (despite the legal framework) for corrupt leaders to abuse the fund and challenge aggrieved persons in court, let the status quo remain.
After all, it would amount to a lesser evil if part of the fund is channelled to special projects while the rest is shared among the states.
Indeed, only a workable legal framework, supported by strong political will, can ensure a successful Sovereign Wealth Fund.
But just as we plan for the rainy day, it is our opinion that the federal government, through the SWF, should set aside specific fund to fast-track infrastructural and sectoral development in the states.
We welcome the NSWF, in the belief that if well managed, it would serve as the much needed stabilizing factor in the nation’s sources of revenue generation and savings. In addition, it would save the nation from more borrowing and larger deficit, should our yearly oil revenue assumption in the budget fail.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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