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Opinion

That Quest For Regional Government

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Some members of the House of Representatives recently came up with a proposal for a single term of six years for the President and state governors, constitutional recognition of the six geopolitical zones and rotation of the presidency among the six geopolitical zones of the country. The legislators under the auspices of Reformed-minded legislators also canvassed for amendments to the relevant sections of the Electoral Act to ensure that all elections (Presidential, Governorship, National Assembly, State Houses of Assembly, and Local Governments) are held on the same day, among other proposals. These proposals, in their opinion, will unite the country, ensure a seamless transition and unprecedented development for the country, promote efficiency in governance, and national stability and lead to a reduction in the cost of governance.
Some months earlier, some members of the same lower chamber of the National Assembly had sponsored three bills seeking to alter the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to transition from the current presidential system to a parliamentary system at all levels – federal, state and local government, claiming that the presidential system is expensive to run. These are indications that the current system of government in the country is not yielding good results and needs to be looked into with a view to coming up with a system of government that will address the peculiar needs and challenges of Nigeria. As the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi, puts it, Nigeria should identify its democratic shortcomings and formulate its model of “Nigerian federalism” rather than attempting to imitate other nations’ federal structures.
In his keynote address at the Songs of Nigeria Festival awards ceremony (SONIFES) in Abuja recently, the diplomat said, “I have argued in several places that there is nothing called True Federalism. If you look at the federalism that is practiced in Australia compared with the federalism practised in Brazil, with that of Canada and compare it with quasi federalism practise in Britain and United States, you will find out some issues which are common to these federal structures, there are massive differences in the federalism that is being practised in this country. So, when we talk about true federalism, which one is Nigeria supposed to pursue? “Therefore, we must make it clear in our mind what kind of federalism we need to practise. We must seriously tackle the issue and then we can have Nigerian federalism. To have Nigerian federalism is not something that we should be afraid or apologetic about. It is sheer laziness for us to be talking about copying what is done in America when it may not suit us.”
Indeed, it is high time Nigeria looked inward, identified its unique features and challenges and came up with a system of government suitable for the country.  Nigeria is a nation blessed with abundant resources, diverse cultures, and a dynamic population but has struggled with issues of governance, development, and national unity. As the nation continues to grapple with these challenges, the idea of regional government has emerged as a potential solution that could foster sustainable development, enhance governance, and strengthen national unity. Historically, Nigeria operated under a regional system of government during the First Republic (1963-1966), which allowed for significant autonomy and development within the regions. This period saw considerable progress in education, infrastructure, and economic development in various parts of the country, likewise agricultural revolution and industrialisation.
Incidentally, the country shifted to a centralised federal system which has ever since been marked by inefficiencies, corruption, and an over-concentration of power at the centre, leading to regional imbalances and persistent tensions. Not a few Nigerians have opined that the current centralised federal system has not adequately addressed the diverse needs and aspirations of the 36 states in the country and the Federal Capital Territory. The over-reliance on oil revenue, which is centrally controlled, has stifled economic diversification and innovation in many regions. Moreover, the concentration of power in Abuja has often led to a disconnect between the government and the people, contributing to feelings of marginalisation and alienation among various ethnic and regional groups.
Many people have lamented that the centralised federal system is responsible for the under development of many states across the country. On the other hand, Nigeria’s model of federalism where the existing six geopolitical zones will become regions as the law makers proposed, will make the regions viable and engender rapid development and stem the practice of state governors converging on Abuja every month to collect monthly allocations. This system of government will bring governance closer to the people, allowing for more responsive and accountable administration. Regional leaders, being closer to their constituents, would have a better understanding of local needs and priorities. This proximity could foster greater citizen engagement and participation in governance, leading to more effective and transparent decision-making.
Regional governments would have greater autonomy to harness and develop their unique resources and economic potentials. This autonomy could spur regional competition, innovation, and economic diversification, reducing the over-reliance on oil and creating a more balanced and resilient national economy. For instance, the agricultural potential of the Middle Belt, the technological and industrial capabilities of the South-East, and the vast mineral resources of the North can be fully explored and developed. Nigeria’s rich cultural diversity is one of its greatest assets. A regional government system would allow for the preservation and promotion of cultural identities and heritage, fostering a sense of pride and belonging among different ethnic groups. This cultural recognition and respect can enhance social cohesion and national unity, reducing ethnic tensions and conflicts.
This governance structure would be better positioned to address local needs in areas such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure. Decentralising these services would lead to more efficient and tailored solutions, improving the quality of life for citizens across the country. For example, regional health policies could be better adapted to address the specific health challenges of each region, while regional educational policies could reflect the unique cultural and linguistic contexts of the area. A regional government structure would deepen democracy by creating more layers of government where democratic principles can be practised and strengthened. It would provide more opportunities for political participation and leadership at the regional level, fostering a more vibrant and inclusive political culture.
Critics of regional government often raise concerns about the potential for increased regionalism and the fragmentation of national unity. However, a well-designed regional government system can include safeguards to ensure national cohesion. For instance, a strong federal government can maintain control over critical areas such as defence, foreign policy, and national economic planning, while allowing region’s significant autonomy in other areas. Additionally, inter-regional collaboration and coordination mechanisms can be established to address common challenges and promote national unity. The formation of Nigeria’s style of federalism with strong and effective regions will surely present a viable path towards addressing the country’s longstanding governance and development challenges.
By enhancing governance, fostering economic diversification, preserving cultural heritage, improving service delivery, and strengthening democracy, regional governments can create a more balanced, prosperous, and united Nigeria. As the nation continues to seek solutions to its complex challenges, it is imperative to consider and embrace the potential of regional government as a catalyst for sustainable development and national unity. However, as many Nigerians have pointed out, no system of government will work in Nigeria if the issues of corruption, greed and selfishness among the elites and political leaders are not dealt with. For any system of government to work in the country, the leaders must begin to prioritise the interest of the citizens and the nation.

Calista Ezeaku

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Opinion

Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

That  U.S. Capture of Maduro

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Quote:”Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction.”
The first part of this story was published in our last edition.
 
In Africa and the Middle East, regime change—whether by invasion, proxy warfare, or sanctions—has often left behind fractured states, weakened institutions, and prolonged instability. Washington’s motivations in Venezuela are widely understood: vast oil reserves, alliances with U.S. rivals, and symbolic defiance of American influence in the Western Hemisphere. But none of these reasons confer legal or moral legitimacy. Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction. If every powerful nation acted on its grievances in this manner, global chaos would inevitably follow. International law provides mechanisms for accountability. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), individuals accused of crimes against humanity or other grave offences are subject to investigation and prosecution through judicial processes.
Likewise, extradition treaties, mutual legal assistance agreements, and Interpol mechanisms exist to ensure accountability while respecting due process. These frameworks were designed precisely to prevent unilateral enforcement of “justice” by military force. The most profound consequence of America’s action may not be in Caracas, but in the precedent it sets. If the world accepts that a superpower can unilaterally depose another country’s president, then the foundation of the international system is weakened. Sovereignty becomes conditional—no longer a right, but a privilege tolerated at the discretion of the powerful. Going forward, if another country invades its neighbour, will the United States retain the moral authority to impose sanctions or demand restraint? Some analysts already warn that parallels between Russia’s actions in Ukraine and America’s conduct in Venezuela risk further eroding global norms. Selective adherence to international law breeds cynicism and accelerates the drift toward a world governed by force rather than rules.
Power—military, economic, or political—should serve human progress and collective well-being, not domination and destruction. For African nations, many of which emerged from colonial rule through bitter struggle, this precedent is especially alarming. Sovereignty is not an abstract legal concept; it is a hard-won shield against external domination. Any erosion of that principle anywhere weakens it everywhere. Africa’s painful history of foreign interference makes this lesson especially urgent.  For me, the real issue is not whether Nicolás Maduro is a good or bad leader. That judgment belongs, first and foremost, to the Venezuelan people. The larger issue is whether the international system still operates on law—or has quietly reverted to hierarchy. If America insists it is defending global order, it must ask itself a difficult question: can an order survive when its most powerful guardian feels entitled to violate it? Until that question is answered honestly, the capture of a foreign president will remain not a triumph of justice, but a troubling symbol of a world drifting from law toward force.
If the United States felt so strongly about the allegations of terrorism, drug trafficking  against Maduro, were there no other lawful options? Judicial accountability, diplomacy, regional mediation, and multilateral pressure may be slow and imperfect, but they reflect respect for international law and sovereign equality. Military seizure is a blunt instrument. It humiliates institutions, radicalizes populations, and hardens resistance. It may remove a leader, but it rarely resolves the underlying crisis. History teaches that military interventions seldom result in stable democratic outcomes. More often, they breed resentment, resistance, and long-term instability. For the sake of global order and the rule of law, the United States should reconsider this path and recommit to diplomacy, legal cooperation, and respect for the sovereign equality of states. Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly described the invasion of Venezuela as “unlawful and unwise,” warning that such actions “do not make America safer, stronger, or more affordable.” Her words reflect a growing recognition, even within the United States, that force without legitimacy undermines both moral authority and global stability.
Should what happened in Venezuela serve as a wake-up call for corrupt African leaders who undermine the people’s right to choose their leaders? The answer is yes. The capture of Maduro should alarm African leaders who manipulate elections, weaken institutions, suppress opposition, undermine citizens’ rights, or cling to power at all costs. Venezuela faced widespread criticism over disputed elections and repression long before this episode, and that context shaped how the world reacted. This does not justify foreign military intervention, but it highlights an uncomfortable truth: prolonged democratic decay isolates nations and invites external pressure—from sanctions to diplomatic censure. Global opinion matters, and legitimacy at home strengthens sovereignty abroad. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and several African leaders have rightly condemned the events in Venezuela, invoking the principles of sovereignty and non-interference enshrined in international and regional law.
Beyond condemnation, however, African leaders must look inward. The continent’s future cannot be built on repression, constitutional manipulation, and personal greed. Leadership must reflect the will of the people, not desperation for power. Two days ago, a social commentator on a radio station argued that Trump’s action—though condemnable—demonstrates how far a leader can go for his country’s interest. According to this view, he did not intervene in Venezuela for personal enrichment, but to strengthen his nation. In stark contrast, many African leaders plunder their own countries. They siphon public resources, impose crushing taxes and harmful policies, and leave their citizens poorer—all for selfish gain. That contradiction is the deeper lesson Africa must confront.True sovereignty is protected not only by international law, but by accountable leadership at home.
 By:  Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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