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Opinion

That Quest For Regional Government

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Some members of the House of Representatives recently came up with a proposal for a single term of six years for the President and state governors, constitutional recognition of the six geopolitical zones and rotation of the presidency among the six geopolitical zones of the country. The legislators under the auspices of Reformed-minded legislators also canvassed for amendments to the relevant sections of the Electoral Act to ensure that all elections (Presidential, Governorship, National Assembly, State Houses of Assembly, and Local Governments) are held on the same day, among other proposals. These proposals, in their opinion, will unite the country, ensure a seamless transition and unprecedented development for the country, promote efficiency in governance, and national stability and lead to a reduction in the cost of governance.
Some months earlier, some members of the same lower chamber of the National Assembly had sponsored three bills seeking to alter the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to transition from the current presidential system to a parliamentary system at all levels – federal, state and local government, claiming that the presidential system is expensive to run. These are indications that the current system of government in the country is not yielding good results and needs to be looked into with a view to coming up with a system of government that will address the peculiar needs and challenges of Nigeria. As the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi, puts it, Nigeria should identify its democratic shortcomings and formulate its model of “Nigerian federalism” rather than attempting to imitate other nations’ federal structures.
In his keynote address at the Songs of Nigeria Festival awards ceremony (SONIFES) in Abuja recently, the diplomat said, “I have argued in several places that there is nothing called True Federalism. If you look at the federalism that is practiced in Australia compared with the federalism practised in Brazil, with that of Canada and compare it with quasi federalism practise in Britain and United States, you will find out some issues which are common to these federal structures, there are massive differences in the federalism that is being practised in this country. So, when we talk about true federalism, which one is Nigeria supposed to pursue? “Therefore, we must make it clear in our mind what kind of federalism we need to practise. We must seriously tackle the issue and then we can have Nigerian federalism. To have Nigerian federalism is not something that we should be afraid or apologetic about. It is sheer laziness for us to be talking about copying what is done in America when it may not suit us.”
Indeed, it is high time Nigeria looked inward, identified its unique features and challenges and came up with a system of government suitable for the country.  Nigeria is a nation blessed with abundant resources, diverse cultures, and a dynamic population but has struggled with issues of governance, development, and national unity. As the nation continues to grapple with these challenges, the idea of regional government has emerged as a potential solution that could foster sustainable development, enhance governance, and strengthen national unity. Historically, Nigeria operated under a regional system of government during the First Republic (1963-1966), which allowed for significant autonomy and development within the regions. This period saw considerable progress in education, infrastructure, and economic development in various parts of the country, likewise agricultural revolution and industrialisation.
Incidentally, the country shifted to a centralised federal system which has ever since been marked by inefficiencies, corruption, and an over-concentration of power at the centre, leading to regional imbalances and persistent tensions. Not a few Nigerians have opined that the current centralised federal system has not adequately addressed the diverse needs and aspirations of the 36 states in the country and the Federal Capital Territory. The over-reliance on oil revenue, which is centrally controlled, has stifled economic diversification and innovation in many regions. Moreover, the concentration of power in Abuja has often led to a disconnect between the government and the people, contributing to feelings of marginalisation and alienation among various ethnic and regional groups.
Many people have lamented that the centralised federal system is responsible for the under development of many states across the country. On the other hand, Nigeria’s model of federalism where the existing six geopolitical zones will become regions as the law makers proposed, will make the regions viable and engender rapid development and stem the practice of state governors converging on Abuja every month to collect monthly allocations. This system of government will bring governance closer to the people, allowing for more responsive and accountable administration. Regional leaders, being closer to their constituents, would have a better understanding of local needs and priorities. This proximity could foster greater citizen engagement and participation in governance, leading to more effective and transparent decision-making.
Regional governments would have greater autonomy to harness and develop their unique resources and economic potentials. This autonomy could spur regional competition, innovation, and economic diversification, reducing the over-reliance on oil and creating a more balanced and resilient national economy. For instance, the agricultural potential of the Middle Belt, the technological and industrial capabilities of the South-East, and the vast mineral resources of the North can be fully explored and developed. Nigeria’s rich cultural diversity is one of its greatest assets. A regional government system would allow for the preservation and promotion of cultural identities and heritage, fostering a sense of pride and belonging among different ethnic groups. This cultural recognition and respect can enhance social cohesion and national unity, reducing ethnic tensions and conflicts.
This governance structure would be better positioned to address local needs in areas such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure. Decentralising these services would lead to more efficient and tailored solutions, improving the quality of life for citizens across the country. For example, regional health policies could be better adapted to address the specific health challenges of each region, while regional educational policies could reflect the unique cultural and linguistic contexts of the area. A regional government structure would deepen democracy by creating more layers of government where democratic principles can be practised and strengthened. It would provide more opportunities for political participation and leadership at the regional level, fostering a more vibrant and inclusive political culture.
Critics of regional government often raise concerns about the potential for increased regionalism and the fragmentation of national unity. However, a well-designed regional government system can include safeguards to ensure national cohesion. For instance, a strong federal government can maintain control over critical areas such as defence, foreign policy, and national economic planning, while allowing region’s significant autonomy in other areas. Additionally, inter-regional collaboration and coordination mechanisms can be established to address common challenges and promote national unity. The formation of Nigeria’s style of federalism with strong and effective regions will surely present a viable path towards addressing the country’s longstanding governance and development challenges.
By enhancing governance, fostering economic diversification, preserving cultural heritage, improving service delivery, and strengthening democracy, regional governments can create a more balanced, prosperous, and united Nigeria. As the nation continues to seek solutions to its complex challenges, it is imperative to consider and embrace the potential of regional government as a catalyst for sustainable development and national unity. However, as many Nigerians have pointed out, no system of government will work in Nigeria if the issues of corruption, greed and selfishness among the elites and political leaders are not dealt with. For any system of government to work in the country, the leaders must begin to prioritise the interest of the citizens and the nation.

Calista Ezeaku

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Opinion

Fighting Insecurity: Shagari’s Model

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What we see across the country today can only be surmounted through a decisive Presidential agenda devoid of politics and sentiments. Alhaji Shehu Shagari, faced with similar security threats, wasted no time in restoring order.
Shagari was still in his first year in office when Islamic fundamentalists, led by Muhammadu Marwa, better known as Maitatsine, visited terror on Kano. Domiciled in the Yan Awaki area, the man who originally hailed from Cameroon, began to create an empire of terrorists.
Kano was under the control of the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) while the National Party of Nigeria ( NPN) controlled the Federal Government. Shagari, a Muslim, did not want to be politically correct because Kano was involved. He placed national security above everything else.
Realising that the terrorists had overwhelmed the police, killing about 100 of them including a Commissioner who was moved from Aba, the president applied military force. It took just two days for soldiers to crush Maitatsine and his followers. At the end, 5,000 civilians died and the Army lost 35 souls.
That was in 1980. Shagari set up a Judicial Commission headed by Justice Anthony Aniagolu. Hundreds of the trouble makers were sent to jail. And it turned out that among them were fighters from Chad, Niger Republic, Cameroon, Burkina Faso and Mali.
On May 16, 1981, there was a skirmish at the Nigeria – Cameroon frontier. Second Lieutenant Seyiveh Sewhenu Amosu of the Nigerian Army, leading a patrol on the Akpa Yafe River, was killed in an ambush by Cameroonian forces. Four other soldiers, Felix Bemigho, Emmanuel Kasar, Joseph Imaja and Emmanuel Akpan also died.
Shagari wasted no time in showing Cameroon the power of Nigerian forces. His Service Chiefs had tasted battle during the Civil War. Chief of Defence Staff, Gibson Jalo, was a General Officer Commanding (GOC). Army Chief, Mohammed Wushishi, was part of the First Division, Chief of Naval Staff, Akin Aduwo, commanded a warship, his Air Force counterpart, Dominic Bello, was one of the few Federals that flew jet bombers.
The world watched as Nigerian forces moved to the border for war on Cameroon, whose troops had never seen battle anywhere. Having frightened the aggressor, Shagari diplomatically halted the planned assault.
In October 1982, some of Maitatsine’s loyalists, regrouped in Bulunkutu, Maiduguri. Among them were many released from jail, like what we see with Boko Haram fighters today. They burnt mosques, churches and humans, using body parts as charm. Again, Shagari acted decisively to decimate the terrorists.
On April 18, 1983, one Idris Debby, led Chadian troops to seize 21 Nigerian fishing villages. Shagari showed his stuff, once again. As Commander – in – Chief of the Armed Forces, he chose seasoned fighters, after consulting with his Defence Team.
Muhammadu Buhari, GOC of the 3rd Amoured Division was given the task of clearing the intruders. As the first governor of Borno State, the general knew the terrain so well. His mother was Kanuri, whose people knew much about Debby and the Zaghawa.
To support Buhari, Chris Ugokwe, a seasoned warrior and Commander of the 21 Armoured Brigade, led the battle. Ugokwe commanded Biafra’s 52 Brigade during the Civil War and was the officer who led 13 Armoured vehicles, under Ibrahim Babangida in 1976, to flush Bukar Dimka out of Radio Nigeria.
Ugokwe and Buhari were friends and Nigeria Military Training College (NMTC) course 5 mates. Babangida was their junior by one Course. It was because of Biafra that Ugokwe lost seniority but he was trusted by PMB and IBB. Ugokwe and Babangida were together in Kaduna during the January 15, 1966 coup.
Ugokwe drove Debby out of Nigeria and led troops into Chad. To show the strength of his Brigade, he planned to capture Ndjamena and was going to accomplish that task when Shagari, again, turned to diplomacy. The president called on Buhari to stop his troops.
That war with Chad gave the Armed Forces so much respect. The Air Force had men like Ben Ekele and Adamu Sakaba. Ekele was so good in all his training abroad that he was nicknamed ‘Air Hooligan’. His friend, Isaac Alfa, was known as ‘Air Warrior’.
Ekele played with the MiG fighter jets, like a toy. Some admirers gave him another name, ‘Ben The MiG’. Unfortunately, the officer was executed with Sakaba, in March 1986. Both were found guilty of treason by the Charles Ndiomu Military Tribunal, for their alleged roles in the Mamman Batss plot of 1985.
Shagari pushed our best into battle. Second Lieutenant Amosu, who was killed by Cameroonians, belonged to the Nigerian Defence Academy Regular Course (RC) 22. That RC later produced a Chief of Naval Staff, Dele Ezeoba, a governor, Inua Bawa, a Senator, Austin Akobundu and other prominent officers like Brigade of Guards Commander, J. O. Shoboiki, Task Force Commander, Sarkin Bello and Paul Izukanne. Another Amosu, Nunayon, became Chief of Air Staff.
President Bola Tinubu should follow Shagari’s footsteps. Nigeria is in trouble and there must be no consideration of tribe, tongue or party. Our Armed Forces can do better. We have many saboteurs in and out of power. What is paramount now is a new strategy.
The bloodletting is unprecedented. Citizens are slaughtered like chicken, daily all over the country. We call them bandits, in the North – West, killer herdsmen in the North – Central, terrorists in the North – East and Fulani herdsmen, in the entire South.
There is only one President and Commander – in – Chief. Tinubu is a strong man, cowardice is not part of his profile. He was part of the NADECO battalion that waged war on Sani Abacha. This is another war. Tinubu can and must fight like a Field Marshal.

Emeka Obasi
Obasi is an online journalist and analyst.

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Opinion

Flood Disaster In Nigeria: Predictable Tragedy

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Each year, Nigeria is struck by a disaster that has become so routine it barely shocks the national conscience anymore: devastating floods that displace thousands, destroy livelihoods, and cost the country billions in damages. From Lagos to Lokoja, Borno to Bayelsa, the story is the same—swollen rivers, submerged homes, lost farmland.
Children drop out of school as their homes or schools are flooded. Health crises follow, as stagnant water breeds Cholera and other waterborne diseases. Women and children bear disproportionate burdens, from increased caregiving duties to heightened vulnerability in overcrowded displacement camps.
Just last week, the country woke up to another flood disaster. Mokwa, a commercial hub in Niger State was swept away. About 200 lives were lost, 3,000 people were displaced, bridges washed away, families left heart broken.
The painful thing is that the meteorological agencies, the Nigeria Hydrological Services Agency (NIHSA) and Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NiMet) usually issue annual warnings about impending floods but little or nothing will be done by both the authorities and the citizens to avert the disaster until it happens and everybody starts running helter skelter. At a press conference in Abuja on Tuesday, June 3, the Minister of Water Resources and Sanitation, Joseph Utsev, clearly stated that flood warnings were given but they were not adhered to.
Speaking against the speculations that Mokwa flood was caused by the release of water from Kainji and Jebba Dams, he said, “Nigerians would recall that the Federal Ministry of Water Resources and Sanitation through the Nigeria Hydrological Services Agency in the 2025 Annual Flood Outlook on the 10th of April, 2025 predicted flooding in 19 LGAs of Niger State including Mokwa LGA.”
He also referred to the report of 2025 AFO, which indicated that 1,249 communities in 176 Local Government Areas in 33 States and the FCT fall within the High Flood Risk Areas, while 2,187 communities in 293 LGAs in 31 States, including the Federal Capital Territory, fall within the Moderate Flood Risk Areas.
Indeed, the floods in Nigeria are no longer unpredictable phenomena. Reports have it that in 2022, for example, over 600 lives were lost, 1.4 million people displaced, and over 200,000 homes damaged.
Crop-lands were washed away, leading to spikes in food prices and food insecurity. Infrastructure—already fragile—was further crippled. Subsequent years had similar reports. And yet, each year, State governments and citizens alike act surprised when the waters rise.
The causes of these floods are not mysterious. Climate change plays a role, with increasingly intense rainfall and rising sea levels. However, much of the devastation has been traced to human failings: poorly planned urban development, inadequate drainage systems, deforestation, and the mismanagement of river basins and dams.
For instance, the release of water from Cameroon’s Lagdo Dam annually inundates many States across the country, especially when the Dasin Hausa Dam, meant to contain the excess flow, remains incomplete decades after it was conceptualised. Similarly, urban expansion in many cities of the country often encroaches on natural floodplains and wetlands, replacing them with concrete that prevents water absorption and channels run-off into homes and roads.
Experts have claimed that at the heart of the flood disaster in the nation lies a deeper governance problem. Environmental policy is fragmented, implementation is weak, and coordination between federal, state, and local governments is almost non-existent. Flood response is often reactive—focused on rescue and relief—rather than preventive. Agencies like the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) and State Emergency Management Agencies (SEMAs) are underfunded and overwhelmed. There is no better truth.
How many government agencies whose job is to prevent floods and other disasters do their jobs? Just like past floods in Nigeria, Mokwa flood has been largely attributed to unregulated buildings and construction activities, poor drainage infrastructure and the likes. And the question is, whose responsibility was it to ensure that these illegal buildings were not erected in the first place? Whose duty is it to ensure that refuse is disposed of properly and that defaulters are punished?
Of course, citizens are not to be exonerated from the blame. Many Nigerians find it difficult to obey rules. Many care less about the environment and they will be the first to cry woes when a disaster occurs. But the point remains that if the regulatory authorities do not wake up to their duties of ensuring that people comply with building codes and urban development guidelines, if they would rather collect money from developers and look the other way when water channels are covered with buildings, then, the floods so far seen might just be a child’s play.
It is high time the governments at all tiers and across all levels stopped seeing floods as seasonal inconveniences rather than existential threats. These authorities are quick to make promises in the aftermath of a flood, but once the waters recede, so does the urgency. Reports are written, funds are pledged, but structural action is rare. The cycle continues: warnings, inaction, disaster, aid appeals, and then silence—until the next year. How can this help the situation?
There is an urgent need for the completion of the Dasin Hausa Dam project in Adamawa State. Experts say that this dam, if functional, would serve as a buffer for the Lagdo Dam releases from Cameroon. The same goes with the need for rehabilitation and expansion of the country’s drainage systems, especially in urban centres. Most existing systems are outdated, clogged, or simply inadequate for today’s volume of rainfall.
Building codes and urban development guidelines must be enforced without compromise. State governments must stop the unchecked development on floodplains and demolish illegal structures that obstruct natural drainage. New developments must include adequate drainage systems, and environmental impact assessments must be mandatory and rigorously enforced.
Government should carry out resettlement programmes for people living in high-risk zones. It is not enough to announce that people living along river banks and flood prone areas should move to higher lands. Are provisions made for them to move and to settle on higher lands?
Also, early warning systems must go beyond press releases and scientific bulletins. They must translate into community-level awareness and preparedness. NEMA and SEMAs should partner with local governments, traditional institutions, and civil society to educate the public on flood risks and evacuation plans.
Community-based disaster response teams can be trained and equipped to act swiftly when floods occur. More importantly, simulations and drills should be conducted periodically, not just after disasters strike.
It is also important that the government, both state and federal, collaborate with the private sector to introduce subsidised flood insurance scheme, especially for farmers and small business owners who bear the brunt of flood damages.
Climate change is no longer an abstract threat; it is a daily reality. Federal and state governments must integrate climate resilience into all development policies. Ministries of Environment, Works, Water Resources, and Agriculture must collaborate to build climate-smart infrastructure.
This also includes reforestation projects, sustainable agriculture practices, and policies to reduce carbon emissions. Nigeria’s national climate adaptation plan must be updated and fully implemented, with budgetary allocations that reflect the seriousness of the problem.
Transparency in the use of emergency funds and infrastructure budgets is essential. Anti-corruption agencies should investigate diversion of funds meant for disaster preparedness and flood mitigation.
Nigeria’s flood disaster is now a national emergency that requires urgent, collective, and sustained action. We can no longer afford the complacency that treats annual floods as inevitable. The science is clear, the patterns are consistent, and the solutions are known. What is missing is the will to act.
A flood-resilient Nigeria is possible. It begins with planning, continues with investment, and is sustained by accountability. We must break the cycle of annual disaster and move toward a future where the rainy season is a blessing, not a curse.
President Bola Tinubu must be commended for approving the release of ?2 billion, 20 trucks of rice for victims. That will go a long way in helping them if they are not diverted by those in the chain of their release and distribution.

Calista Ezeaku

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Opinion

AI And Transformation of Nigeria’s Education

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The increasing advent of technology is slowly, but evidently taking over major sectors in the world today, but not so much in Nigeria. Education is the backbone of any country, especially if it is one that hopes for the better future of its youths and the growth of the country at large.
Despite the known fact that education is key to national development, Nigeria’s education sector seems to be buckling under pressure ranging from a limited access to quality learning resources, poor school infrastructure, and overcrowded classrooms, among others.
It does not end there as many educators lack the digital literacy to properly use these tools. Proper strategies, digital literacy training and a focus on providing proper infrastructure in schools are the barriers that need to be tackled to surmount this challenge. Addressing these issues first would pave way for Artificial Intelligence (AI) integration in schools.
Though, AI is more than technical jargon, it just might be what Nigeria needs to level the playing field, especially since it looks like we are being left behind with all the innovation technology has brought along. With its personalised features, teachers can tailor lesson plans based on each student’s weaknesses which would positively affect learning outcomes. Imagine a school in Kano, where students learn English through AI-powered applications and resources. It would give better opportunities for the teacher to have more time to give them more personal attention.
However, to fully realise these benefits, there are certain underlying issues that AI can easily tackle, especially those in rural areas, where there is lack of electricity, proper ICT tools, and internet connectivity.
A United States based publication, EdTech, noted that there is an increasing strain in the ability of teachers to carry out their occupational demands with planning lessons, meeting parents and guardians, and other administrative responsibilities.
However, according to Carnegie Learning, teachers who have embraced AI have seen notable changes in students’ outcome and their work flow. In their research, 42 per cent found out that using AI reduced time spent on administrative duties, 25 per cent noted that AI was particularly useful in assisting with personalised learning, and 18 percent of them reported an increase in students’ engagement. Only one percent could report no change at all with the use of AI in the classroom.
Notably, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), highlighted the potential of AI to address challenges in education, and its ability to innovate teaching and learning, as long as it is deployed safely and ethically. This connotes that every good innovation has a negative downside, and Artificial intelligence is not without.
According to UNESCO, well thought out strategies to maximise the use of AI in classrooms is what our education sector needs. I believe that as a nation we need to set policies that are channelled towards AI integration into the education system, and more importantly, all hands should be on deck to facilitate its process.
Teachers as well as students have a role to play in ensuring that it is not misused and rendered a vice. If we do not integrate AI soon enough, the learning gap between Nigeria and other nations will continue to widen, as it is already the case for most sectors of the country. This gap would not only widen, but it would go on to affect our youths who will be left behind in the global workforce.
Though, schools are known to be institutions of socialisation, where teachers play a major role in shaping the minds and outlook of the students in the classroom, I do not see AI as a replacement for teachers and evidently cannot take the job of educators. Additionally, the World Economic Forum noted that while AI can enhance the learning processes, it cannot replicate the human element that is needed by every student – that which is provided by teachers.
Therefore, AI is not a threat to teachers; rather it is a partner that benefits not just the teachers, but the students as well. It is important that policy makers move to develop and implement policies that integrate AI into the education system in Nigeria. The earlier we embrace this innovation, the better it will be for the future of every child.

Eniola Shobiye
Shobiye, a student, writes from the University of Ilorin.

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