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Revisiting Animosities In Universities

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That a criminal charge of sexual harassment against a Professor of Microbiology, ended in an acquittal, should not be a surprise to anyone. Section 353 of the Criminal Code Act would classify sexual harassment of a female student as indecent assault, while Section 367 deals with rape, defined as forcing a female of any age into the sex act without her consent, or inducing such consent by threat. In 1963, a female witness for a defendant told late magistrate Herbert Nwazota, that an unwilling woman would hardly be raped, because “her shouts and aggression would be such that the rapist cannot continue”. Similarly, such case of rape or harassment would be reported immediately, which is a vital point in the evidence concerning such matter. But when complaint about such assault comes a long time after, there is the possibility of an after-thought, or someone instigating the report, with a possible malicious intention to get even with someone. An alleged act done in a secret place, with no third party as an independent witness, would hardly hold water in a court.
Considering the level of animosities prevalent in Nigerian universities, it is possible that the Microbiology Professor acquitted by a court recently, may be a victim of a toxic academic environment. When a professor’s monthly salary was about N10,000, the academic environment was not what it became with current salary structure. Rot in the university system came in tandem with the gross devaluation of the Naira. Many lecturers moved out of the country as job satisfaction, productivity and integrity became rare values in Nigeria. As PhD became an acronym for “pull him down” syndrome, Nigerian universities became a toxic environment. In world-class universities, highly experienced and dedicated lecturers could become professors even with first degree certificates, but in Nigeria no one becomes a professor without a PhD degree. The result of this policy was that becoming a professor was characterised by fraud, chicanery, duplicity and malpractices, especially since one would retire with professorial salary as pension. It is quite human that nobody would want to slave himself to death for a system which does not reward diligence, hard work and dedication to duty. In the words of late Captain Elechi Amadi, Nigeria does not place value on naked honesty, hard work and personal sacrifices. But flattery pays!
Animosities in Nigerian universities started building up between 1974 and 1995, when strikes, “sorting” and other malpractices became more common. Military politics had a share in much of the rot in universities, as some female students with strong relationships with military officers could elevate or destroy lecturers. Through connections or calumnies, the process of elevation or destruction could make or mar any lecturer. The result of this trend was the use of female students to make connections and get contracts and appointments. Some lecturers became millionaires! The process of acquisition of university certificates is like anything else in Nigeria, characterised by malpractices and the ability to get away with serious pranks, so long as one has some connections in appropriate quarters. There were also situations where highly-placed moneybags and men of timbre and calibre would register in universities, attend lectures at their own convenience and let money and good relationship provide certificates that they have no need for, except for adornment purposes. Thus ego, meanness, envy and pettiness flourished among lecturers.
Sadly, the relationships between rich and high calibre students and lecturers resulted in using students to rubbish the reputation of some lecturers, especially those considered to be “too strict and rigid”. Also, between 1974 and 1985, cult phenomenon became more prevalent in universities as well as increasing cases of examination malpractices. Decree No. 20 of 1984 had to be promulgated to deal with examination offences in universities. Similarly, Decree No. 47 of 1989, was made to address campus cultism, as different from offences against public order and unlawful assembly. Statistics of campus cultism indicated that a large number of those who faced student disciplinary committee were children of highly-placed parents in society, especially children who grew up in barracks. Similarly, female students who reported high cases of sexual harassment against lecturers, were those who were most irregular in class attendance. Thus, cases of “sorting”, sexual harassment and other allegations about malpractices, were linked with poor examination performances and irregularity in class.
Cases of plagiarism and book piracy were also found to be linked with scramble to become professors, of which soured relationships between some students and lecturers, were traced to malpractices in publications. There were particular cases where female students who had little respect for lecturers they knew to be fraudulent coined such appellations like “Professors of Otularingology” spelling of medical specialists in ear-nose-and-throat discipline was deliberately altered for the purpose of this sly prank. There were also other derogatory names for various category of lecturers. Hypocrisy flourished! What is really disturbing about animosities in the universities, is the role of some Vice Chancellors in some campuses. There are some vice chancellors who adopt divisive strategies as ready tools of administering the campus environment. Either they surround themselves with boot-lickers and tale-bearers, some factions of student-cultists, or members of their religion or ethnicity. Thus, formation of cliques in universities is one major cause of division and animosities in the universities. This also goes along with listening to gossips, especially coming from female students against some lecturers who are not in the good book of vice chancellors.
Thus, the culture of collegiality gives way to paternalism and possible witch-hunt of perceived suspected rivals of vice chancellors or ill-disposed staff. The level of fascism in some Nigerian universities is unbelievable but real, and sometimes religion is used for divisive and surveillance purposes. In situations of divisiveness, prejudice and animosities, promotions can be selective and unfair, in spite of the fact that assessments for staff promotion is handled by a committee. There are also many interest groups whose purposes range from playing some advocacy roles, to serving as lobbyists and informants. There are lecturers who are more of politicians and would hardly be there to teach and supervise their students, but would spend lots of times with power-holders. Also, there has been some strained relationship between academic and non-academic staff in the university system, arising from many factors. While this is no attempt to condemn one’s constituency, the vital issue is that there is professional envy and animosities in universities. Sexual harassment is a ready tool to get even with rivals.

Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.

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Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

That  U.S. Capture of Maduro

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Quote:”Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction.”
The first part of this story was published in our last edition.
 
In Africa and the Middle East, regime change—whether by invasion, proxy warfare, or sanctions—has often left behind fractured states, weakened institutions, and prolonged instability. Washington’s motivations in Venezuela are widely understood: vast oil reserves, alliances with U.S. rivals, and symbolic defiance of American influence in the Western Hemisphere. But none of these reasons confer legal or moral legitimacy. Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction. If every powerful nation acted on its grievances in this manner, global chaos would inevitably follow. International law provides mechanisms for accountability. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), individuals accused of crimes against humanity or other grave offences are subject to investigation and prosecution through judicial processes.
Likewise, extradition treaties, mutual legal assistance agreements, and Interpol mechanisms exist to ensure accountability while respecting due process. These frameworks were designed precisely to prevent unilateral enforcement of “justice” by military force. The most profound consequence of America’s action may not be in Caracas, but in the precedent it sets. If the world accepts that a superpower can unilaterally depose another country’s president, then the foundation of the international system is weakened. Sovereignty becomes conditional—no longer a right, but a privilege tolerated at the discretion of the powerful. Going forward, if another country invades its neighbour, will the United States retain the moral authority to impose sanctions or demand restraint? Some analysts already warn that parallels between Russia’s actions in Ukraine and America’s conduct in Venezuela risk further eroding global norms. Selective adherence to international law breeds cynicism and accelerates the drift toward a world governed by force rather than rules.
Power—military, economic, or political—should serve human progress and collective well-being, not domination and destruction. For African nations, many of which emerged from colonial rule through bitter struggle, this precedent is especially alarming. Sovereignty is not an abstract legal concept; it is a hard-won shield against external domination. Any erosion of that principle anywhere weakens it everywhere. Africa’s painful history of foreign interference makes this lesson especially urgent.  For me, the real issue is not whether Nicolás Maduro is a good or bad leader. That judgment belongs, first and foremost, to the Venezuelan people. The larger issue is whether the international system still operates on law—or has quietly reverted to hierarchy. If America insists it is defending global order, it must ask itself a difficult question: can an order survive when its most powerful guardian feels entitled to violate it? Until that question is answered honestly, the capture of a foreign president will remain not a triumph of justice, but a troubling symbol of a world drifting from law toward force.
If the United States felt so strongly about the allegations of terrorism, drug trafficking  against Maduro, were there no other lawful options? Judicial accountability, diplomacy, regional mediation, and multilateral pressure may be slow and imperfect, but they reflect respect for international law and sovereign equality. Military seizure is a blunt instrument. It humiliates institutions, radicalizes populations, and hardens resistance. It may remove a leader, but it rarely resolves the underlying crisis. History teaches that military interventions seldom result in stable democratic outcomes. More often, they breed resentment, resistance, and long-term instability. For the sake of global order and the rule of law, the United States should reconsider this path and recommit to diplomacy, legal cooperation, and respect for the sovereign equality of states. Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly described the invasion of Venezuela as “unlawful and unwise,” warning that such actions “do not make America safer, stronger, or more affordable.” Her words reflect a growing recognition, even within the United States, that force without legitimacy undermines both moral authority and global stability.
Should what happened in Venezuela serve as a wake-up call for corrupt African leaders who undermine the people’s right to choose their leaders? The answer is yes. The capture of Maduro should alarm African leaders who manipulate elections, weaken institutions, suppress opposition, undermine citizens’ rights, or cling to power at all costs. Venezuela faced widespread criticism over disputed elections and repression long before this episode, and that context shaped how the world reacted. This does not justify foreign military intervention, but it highlights an uncomfortable truth: prolonged democratic decay isolates nations and invites external pressure—from sanctions to diplomatic censure. Global opinion matters, and legitimacy at home strengthens sovereignty abroad. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and several African leaders have rightly condemned the events in Venezuela, invoking the principles of sovereignty and non-interference enshrined in international and regional law.
Beyond condemnation, however, African leaders must look inward. The continent’s future cannot be built on repression, constitutional manipulation, and personal greed. Leadership must reflect the will of the people, not desperation for power. Two days ago, a social commentator on a radio station argued that Trump’s action—though condemnable—demonstrates how far a leader can go for his country’s interest. According to this view, he did not intervene in Venezuela for personal enrichment, but to strengthen his nation. In stark contrast, many African leaders plunder their own countries. They siphon public resources, impose crushing taxes and harmful policies, and leave their citizens poorer—all for selfish gain. That contradiction is the deeper lesson Africa must confront.True sovereignty is protected not only by international law, but by accountable leadership at home.
 By:  Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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