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 The Next Cabal

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What if we are witnessing the formation of the next Cabal? What if President Buhari’s government and the cabal controlling it, as alleged by the First Lady, some time ago is only a dress rehearsal for what is to come in 2023? When it comes to coincidences, I am an agnostic, and I have never believed in arbitrariness. This position of mine was reinforced by a TV series I saw last year, titled, “Numbers”, which sharpened my mind to the extent that I am always on the lookout for hidden patterns in seemingly unrelated events. My major takeaway from that TV series was the idea that even the mud splatter on an object on the side of the road, coming from a poodle driven through by a fast-moving car, could be explained mathematically. Therefore, if one extrapolates this idea to our country, Nigeria, the so called chaos, and wanton killings and destruction in every part of the country are all interrelated to some degree. The patterns are evident, even with only a cursory look.
The patterns are already telling the story of our future; the future of a country in the stranglehold of a group of oligarchs. The telltale signs are everywhere for those who care to see. In Russia, Vladimir Putin and his cronies control everything, while the people are only allowed to pick up the crumbs. With all the brains Russian has, it is rare to find any major scientific or economic breakthrough coming out of Mother Russia. Even in International University Rankings, it is hard to see the best university in Russia ranking higher than their counterparts in China. As a result, the oligarchs send their children to universities in the west. In Nigeria, the oligarchs have destroyed the public primary and secondary school system, and they are now working very hard to sink the public universities while propping up their own private universities, which are now more than Federal and State universities put together. Meanwhile, all their children are in the best universities abroad. The relevance of this little narrative might seem farfetched, but this is exactly the current story of Nigeria; and the future is likely going to be worse, especially using the ASSU interregnum as a case study
The exorbitant cost of APC’s expression of interest and nomination forms have signaled the institutionalisation of corruption in Nigeria. It is unfortunate that this same party which gained ascendency in 2015 with the mantra of change, has indeed brought about earth-shaking changes, but not in the direction we envisaged. Buhari’s policies and body language could be felt in every nook and cranny of this country, not for upliftment, but for destruction.
In response to an array of criticisms, APCs National Chairman, Mr. Abdullahi Adamu, had said that the purpose of the skyrocketing cost of presidential forms was to weed out jesters who are only out to cause trouble. But, this line of thought or defense is lame, or an outright joke, because if we assume this to actually be the party’s position, then people like Dr. Chris Ngige, and other credible candidates who withdrew due to the N100 million price tag, are all jesters and trouble makers.
Most of the presidential candidates have claimed that their forms were bought by support groups. For instance, it was learned that the form of the CBN Governor, Mr. Godwin Emefiele, was purchased by rice farmers. Nigerians would want to know who these rice farmers are, how they are able to raise N100 million in the space of a month in our current economic climate; and maybe, what they intend to do now that Emefiele’s form was not returned.
To pacify Nigerians, the EFCC was in the news saying what the average Nigerian wants to hear. It claimed that it was going after the accounts of so-called form purchasers. But we already know it would amount to nothing. From the signs available, this is pure racketeering happening before our very eyes; and it has been orchestrated both by those in the open and those in the shadows, and almost everyone who purchased the APC presidential form is either a bonafide member of the next Cabal or is standing proxy for an interest group.
With the level of damage done to the country already, (some of them irreversible), the apprehension some of us are having, as we observe the formation of, and the possible installation of a new cabal is palpable. Some might think we are beside ourselves, but this is de Ja Vu. We were here in 2014 when we saw a mishmash of interest groups coming together, just for the purpose of grabbing power. That power was handed to a destructive force, called Buhari.
If we are to take our reading of the 2022 Electoral Act at face value, it means that all the underworldly behaviour we are used to during elections could now be a thing of the past. Consequently, if ballot box snatching and thuggery are now impossible; what other options are available to the APC oligarchs? Vote buying is the only possible option for APC after President Buhari had presided over the hemorrhaging of the country for seven years.
The 2023 election is actually a do-or-die affair in an existential sense for every cheated, exploited, attacked, and impoverished Nigerian, because if we get it wrong from either side of the aisle, be it APC or PDP, we are finished. Every Nigerian on the street knows what is at stake; therefore, the idea that APC has amassed a war chest in the neighborhood of N30 billion from the sales of forms alone should be an issue for concern. Again, N30 billion is a pittance, compared to how much has been stolen in that ministry where Buhari is the Minister. So much has been said about the Ministry of Petroleum and the NNPC, yet nothing has happened, in fact, based on the data presented to the National Assembly by the Auditor General of the Federation on the misappropriation, mismanagement, and misrepresentation of trillions of Naira by NNPC, and the latest suit brought against President Buhari’s Government by SERAP, challenging the N1.48 trillion spent between 2015 and 2020 on the maintenance of NNPC refineries with zero results, I am sincerely hoping that Saint Buhari would face the same fate as former Minister for Petroleum, Deziani Alison-Madueke, because under him as Petroleum Minister, NNPC has become the epicenter of corruption in Nigeria.
They have seen the handwriting on the wall; therefore they are leaving nothing to chance, but their war chest of trillions of Naira will fail them, because Nigerians will disappoint them, by rising with one voice to demand real change in 2023, they will dismantle both the old and the emerging cabal.

By: Raphael Pepple

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Opinion

Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

That  U.S. Capture of Maduro

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Quote:”Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction.”
The first part of this story was published in our last edition.
 
In Africa and the Middle East, regime change—whether by invasion, proxy warfare, or sanctions—has often left behind fractured states, weakened institutions, and prolonged instability. Washington’s motivations in Venezuela are widely understood: vast oil reserves, alliances with U.S. rivals, and symbolic defiance of American influence in the Western Hemisphere. But none of these reasons confer legal or moral legitimacy. Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction. If every powerful nation acted on its grievances in this manner, global chaos would inevitably follow. International law provides mechanisms for accountability. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), individuals accused of crimes against humanity or other grave offences are subject to investigation and prosecution through judicial processes.
Likewise, extradition treaties, mutual legal assistance agreements, and Interpol mechanisms exist to ensure accountability while respecting due process. These frameworks were designed precisely to prevent unilateral enforcement of “justice” by military force. The most profound consequence of America’s action may not be in Caracas, but in the precedent it sets. If the world accepts that a superpower can unilaterally depose another country’s president, then the foundation of the international system is weakened. Sovereignty becomes conditional—no longer a right, but a privilege tolerated at the discretion of the powerful. Going forward, if another country invades its neighbour, will the United States retain the moral authority to impose sanctions or demand restraint? Some analysts already warn that parallels between Russia’s actions in Ukraine and America’s conduct in Venezuela risk further eroding global norms. Selective adherence to international law breeds cynicism and accelerates the drift toward a world governed by force rather than rules.
Power—military, economic, or political—should serve human progress and collective well-being, not domination and destruction. For African nations, many of which emerged from colonial rule through bitter struggle, this precedent is especially alarming. Sovereignty is not an abstract legal concept; it is a hard-won shield against external domination. Any erosion of that principle anywhere weakens it everywhere. Africa’s painful history of foreign interference makes this lesson especially urgent.  For me, the real issue is not whether Nicolás Maduro is a good or bad leader. That judgment belongs, first and foremost, to the Venezuelan people. The larger issue is whether the international system still operates on law—or has quietly reverted to hierarchy. If America insists it is defending global order, it must ask itself a difficult question: can an order survive when its most powerful guardian feels entitled to violate it? Until that question is answered honestly, the capture of a foreign president will remain not a triumph of justice, but a troubling symbol of a world drifting from law toward force.
If the United States felt so strongly about the allegations of terrorism, drug trafficking  against Maduro, were there no other lawful options? Judicial accountability, diplomacy, regional mediation, and multilateral pressure may be slow and imperfect, but they reflect respect for international law and sovereign equality. Military seizure is a blunt instrument. It humiliates institutions, radicalizes populations, and hardens resistance. It may remove a leader, but it rarely resolves the underlying crisis. History teaches that military interventions seldom result in stable democratic outcomes. More often, they breed resentment, resistance, and long-term instability. For the sake of global order and the rule of law, the United States should reconsider this path and recommit to diplomacy, legal cooperation, and respect for the sovereign equality of states. Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly described the invasion of Venezuela as “unlawful and unwise,” warning that such actions “do not make America safer, stronger, or more affordable.” Her words reflect a growing recognition, even within the United States, that force without legitimacy undermines both moral authority and global stability.
Should what happened in Venezuela serve as a wake-up call for corrupt African leaders who undermine the people’s right to choose their leaders? The answer is yes. The capture of Maduro should alarm African leaders who manipulate elections, weaken institutions, suppress opposition, undermine citizens’ rights, or cling to power at all costs. Venezuela faced widespread criticism over disputed elections and repression long before this episode, and that context shaped how the world reacted. This does not justify foreign military intervention, but it highlights an uncomfortable truth: prolonged democratic decay isolates nations and invites external pressure—from sanctions to diplomatic censure. Global opinion matters, and legitimacy at home strengthens sovereignty abroad. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and several African leaders have rightly condemned the events in Venezuela, invoking the principles of sovereignty and non-interference enshrined in international and regional law.
Beyond condemnation, however, African leaders must look inward. The continent’s future cannot be built on repression, constitutional manipulation, and personal greed. Leadership must reflect the will of the people, not desperation for power. Two days ago, a social commentator on a radio station argued that Trump’s action—though condemnable—demonstrates how far a leader can go for his country’s interest. According to this view, he did not intervene in Venezuela for personal enrichment, but to strengthen his nation. In stark contrast, many African leaders plunder their own countries. They siphon public resources, impose crushing taxes and harmful policies, and leave their citizens poorer—all for selfish gain. That contradiction is the deeper lesson Africa must confront.True sovereignty is protected not only by international law, but by accountable leadership at home.
 By:  Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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