Opinion
Still On Imported Bad Petrol
What began as the usual queues for fuel that often disappear after a few days lingered for a longer period this time around, leaving Nigerians with many thoughts of what could have been the cause. When the queues approached the third week in January, many Nigerians thought the marketers were up to their usual trick of trying to make a brisk business from their old stock of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) commonly known as petrol as rumours were rife then that the government was to effectively stop paying subsidy for petrol at the end of the month.
While Nigerians were trying to get their heads around a fresh reason for the scarcity after the government announced the suspension of subsidy removal, news of the real reason emerged. The Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), the petroleum sector regulator, disclosed that they had to order the shutting down of some filling stations because they had taken delivery of PMS laced with methanol at quantities above Nigerian recommended standard. The move as explained was to purge the affected chain of the bad fuel from the market.
Upon investigation, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited disclosed that the adulterated petrol was imported into Nigeria undetected by four importers from Antwerp in Belgium, going ahead to also reveal the oil companies that brought it in. However, the four oil companies accused by the NNPC denied the allegation, thereby creating confusion on the crisis. This catastrophe has therefore reinforced earlier appeal by the Standards Organisation of Nigeria (SON) for inter-agency collaboration for effective sectoral standards regulation.
During a late-night briefing held on Wednesday, February 9, 2022, in Abuja, the Group Managing Director (GMD) of NNPC, Mele Kyari, maintained the position. An interesting twist to the disaster was the failure of quality inspectors to detect the high level of Methanol in the petrol, first at the point of export from Belgium and the point of arrival in Nigeria. Meanwhile, NNPC’s quality inspectors including GMO, SGS, GeoChem, G&G and other inspection agents appointed by the Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority had certified that the cargoes met Nigerian specifications.
Explaining why the adulterated petrol missed the eagle eyes of the inspectors, the NNPC GMD said the quality checks do not include checks for Methanol percentage adding that cargoes quality certificates issued at load port in Antwerp-Belgium by AmSpec Belgium indicated that the gasoline complied with Nigerian Specification.
Whatever the reason might be, it has indeed created a very difficult period for Nigerians, as the situation has left many people with damaged vehicles and machines whose operations require the use of petrol as fuel. Conceding to this, the NNPC GMD said, “It is a very difficult period for us, and it is very important to update our customers and members of the general public on the ongoing efforts by NNPC and other stakeholders including you, to resolve the issues generated by the unfortunate supply and discharge of methanol blended gasoline (PMS) in some Nigerian depots.”
From observation, some remedial actions like quarantine of all un-evacuated volumes and the holding back of all the affected products in transit (both truck and marine) put in place by NNPC since it received the report of the adulterated petrol on 20th January are on course. Earlier in the year, SON announced plans to standardize the nation’s oil and gas sector in its bid to enhance products and services quality attainment in the sector beginning from 2022. To this effect, the Director-General of SON, Mallam Farouk Salim inaugurated a Steering Committee to coordinate modalities for implementing the provisions of SON Act No 14 of 2015 as it relates to the nation’s oil and gas sector.
Other areas SON would resourcefully offer support towards standardization of the industry include quality management system requirements for the petrochemical, oil and natural gas industry, basic offshore safety induction and emergency training amongst others. From reports, SON DG has tasked the in-house committee to enhance SON’s activities and strategic repositioning in the oil and gas industry to effectively regulate quality and promote international best practices, assuring that the organisation is prepared to overcome challenges that may arise in the course of striving to improve standardisation and quality assurance in the Oil and Gas Sector.
The imported petrol adulteration incident may have heightened the call for SON to be returned to the ports to complement what other agencies there are doing. Although, a record shows that SON is already collaborating with other regulatory agencies as confirmed by the organisation’s Director, Public Relations, Bola Fashina, the time to step this up is now.
The hard struggle by NNPC and Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) to mop up the adulterated petrol from circulation is a sad reminder of the point that has been repeatedly made by the previous and current leadership of SON, the National Assembly and other stakeholders, that ‘it is easier to fight the influx of substandard products at the points of entry than chasing them around all over the country in markets and warehouses, among others.’
According to statistics, over 75 per cent of the products imported into the country come through the seaports and waterways. Immediate past Chairman of Nigeria’s Senate Committee on Industry, Sam Egwu, emphasized this point with a call for the return of SON to the nation’s ports during one of the committee’s oversight functions to SON’s offices and laboratories in Lagos.
“Nigeria is import-dependent, with porous borders and for them not to be at the port to inspect these goods first-hand is not good enough. They should be allowed to be at the ports to see these products before they enter the market,” Egwu said.
By: Carl Umegboro
Umegboro is a public affairs analyst.
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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