Editorial
Fuel Subsidy Removal
 
																								
												
												
											While most Nigerians, especially watchers of the downstream sector of the hydro-carbon industry of the nation’s economy, are still pondering on the proclamation of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) over the sudden removal of subsidy on the pump price of petrol, others, particularly the main opposition, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) had described President Muhammadu Buhari’s subsidy regime as a monumental fraud and unpardonable sin against the Nigerian state.
NNPC’s Group Managing Director, Mr Mele Kyari, penultimate week announced that the era of subsidising petrol price was over for good.
“As at today, subsidy under recovery is zero. Going forward, there’ll be no resort to either subsidy or under-recovery of any nature. NNPC will just be another player in the market place. We’ll be there for the country to sustain security of supply at the cost of the market”, Kyari declared on the official twitter handle of the NNPC.
Obviously, the NNPC’s position is quite understandable. First, the reduction of petrol pump price from N145 to N125 and later to N123.50 (though yet to be fully implemented by marketers) may have been prompted by slump in crude oil price in the international market, occasioned by the deadly COVID-19 pandemic ravaging the globe.
Leveraging on the low crude oil price, the NNPC boss further explained that before exiting its subsidy regime, the Federal Government had very good understanding with strategic partners: governors, marketers, depot owners, PTD, among others, as, according to him, “there were no issues or grey areas whatsoever”.
As expected, Nigerians, civil rights groups, organised labour, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) among others reacted sharply to the sudden removal of subsidy by the APC-led Federal Government.
The PDP in a statement described fuel subsidy regime under President Buhari as a monumental fraud and unpardonable scam against Nigerians.
While declaring the subsidy removal as dramatic, PDP’s spokesman, Kola Ologbondoyan, admonished the APC-led administration to “stop lying to Nigerians and tell them the truth of trillions of Naira claimed to have been paid as subsidy but cornered by APC leaders for campaigns and to oil their ego”. He urged the Minister of State for Petroleum, Timipre Sylva, to muster the coverage to open up.
Infact, the PDP may not have acted in isolation as many other well-meaning Nigerians had called for forensic auditing of trillions of Naira that had been siphoned through the subsidy regime in the last one decade or so.
Though the main opposition party may have fingered the APC-led administration but the fact remains that there is more to the subsidy regime than meets the eye and only a thorough and independent inquiry could unravel the mystery and sharp practices that had, over the years, characterised the subsidy imbroglio.
We recall that the Senate Committee on Downstream Petroleum Sector told the 8th Assembly that over N11 trillion was paid over six years to oil marketers who connive with well-placed Nigerians to defraud the country under the subsidy regime.
The Tide believes that the controversy surrounding the subsidy regime will be over if conscious efforts are made to revive and rehabilitate the nation’s four refineries located in Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna.
It is, indeed, saddening and a national shame that Nigeria, the sixth largest oil producer in the world, still imports petroleum products 60 years after commercial production of crude oil resource. What an irony!
The way forward remains to refine our crude locally for domestic consumption and exporting the excess. The question of subjecting the sale of petroleum products to market forces in a fragile economy such as Nigeria’s is unrealistic and injurious to local consumers as goods and services will always increase if market forces determine prices of products.
It is unthinkable that Nigeria’s four refineries with 450,000 barrels refining capacity have remained dormant over the years while the country spent trillions of Naira in the name of fuel importation and subsidy payment.
The Tide thinks that if the Federal Government does not muster sufficient political will to revive the refineries, the worst that could happen is to either privatise or commercialise them for local consumption.
For us, removal of fuel subsidy is not the best option for Nigerians, rather let our refineries work now or never.
Editorial
Strike: Heeding ASUU’s Demands
 
														Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
 
														When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
Editorial
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