Editorial
Army Should Stay Away From Polls
Barely a week after the Presidential and National Assembly elections, Nigerians, and indeed, political pundits are still ruminating over the conduct and outcome of the elections. Particularly worrisome was the inglorious and ignominious role of the Nigerian military in the conduct of a purely civil activity.
Shamefully, military officials were caught in camera carting away ballot boxes, protecting politicians, thugs and hoodlums as well as thumb-printing and providing safe haven for some politicians and parties of their interest.
Rather than being apolitical in the discharge of their professional and statutory responsibilities as expected of them and as enshrined in the nation’s 1999 Constitution, as amended, the military officials were overly partisan, throwing all military ethics and values to the wind.
The consequences were, indeed, grievous and monumental as innocent and precious lives were lost while voters were disenfranchised as a result of the militarisation of the electoral process. Voters’ apathy was unprecedented as fear and trepidation characterised the polity before, during and after the election.
Particularly horrible and unacceptable was the way and manner the elections were conducted in some parts of the country, like in Rivers, Bayelsa and Akwa Ibom States and some other States in the South-East geo-political zone where voters and electoral officers were subjected to all manner of humiliation, intimidation and victimisation. In fact, some were brutally maimed or killed in the process.
Violence and undemocratic tendencies virtually permeated the political atmosphere as masked uniformed men over-ran various polling units, some spraying bullets and brandishing sophisticated weapons, all in a calculated attempt to scare the electorate.
In Rivers State, for instance, especially in Emohua, Ikwerre, Bonny, Akuku-Toru local government areas as well as in Bayelsa State, particularly in Nembe and Brass, the election was anything but transparent, credible, free and fair. Some observers have already described the elections as the worst in Nigeria’s political history.
It is against this backdrop that The Tide is of the position that never again shall we pass through this tortuous and horrible path of our democratic experience. We recall that Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State on February 14, 2019, barely few days to the elections, had alerted the world on plans by certain politicians in concert with the military to subvert the electoral process in the state and this was evidently manifested before, during and after the elections.
Sadly, the scenario was replicated in other states in the South-South geo-political zone. This has indeed, made the country a laughing stock in the comity of nations.
We sincerely regret that despite the assurances by the military high command to maintain neutrality and be apolitical, the real situation on ground was contrary, indeed.
As former President Goodluck Jonathan once said: “Nobody’s political ambition is worth the blood of any innocent Nigerian”. Thus, the death of 15 persons, including a youth corps member and two INEC ad-hoc staff in Emohua and Degema local government areas can never be equated to the aspiration of anybody, no matter how privileged or highly placed.
We say that the involvement of the military in civil activities such as elections is an aberration that must stop forthwith. When it becomes absolutely inevitable, particularly in a situation where the police and other para-military personnel cannot handle such present and clear danger, then, the military can only observe, not supervise as was the case in the last elections.
Our position is predicated on the provisions of the Electoral Act and a Supreme Court judgement in this regard. The Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Mahmood Yakubu in his pre-election media briefing also attested to this assertion.
We insist that involvement of the military in our electoral process portends grave danger to our democracy. The military must, therefore, steer clear of the nation’s politics.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work

When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
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