Opinion
Nigeria And Modern Colonialism
Nigeria attained
freedom as an independent nation from the colonial administration of Britain 53 years ago. Between 1960 and 1999 when the present structure of governance emerged, Nigeria had undergone several ordeals in terms of tyrannical, dictatorial, oppressive and suppressive systems of government particularly with the military juntas.
Far back in May 1967, when the first 12 states were created out of the four regions of Nigeria by the military administration of General Yakubu Gowon, there was relative peace, harmony, understanding, among the various ethnic groups although there was minimal fracas which culminated in civil disorder in Nigeria from mid-1967 to January 1970. This episode became an eye opener to the entire citizenry of Nigeria.
However, it is clear that despite our independence, the issue of terrorism and insecurity has confirmed to plague Nigeria. This position was compounded by the annulment of the freest and fairest presidential elections conducted on June 12, 1993 by the IBB regime without due apology to Nigerians, until 17 years after, in 2010.
Then, in November 1993, General Sani Abacha seized power from the interim National Government (ING) under the leadership of Chief Ernest Shonekan and continued the bloody rule from where his mentor, IBB had stopped. Unfortunately, Abacha’s bloody regime ended on June 8, 1998.
It is however gratifying that the yearnings of Nigerians for a democracy came to fulfillment through the instrumentality of the erstwhile Military Head of State; General Abdulsalami Abubakar (rtd) on May 29, 1999 when he solemnly and honourably handed over the torch of leadership to Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, who was military Head of State between 1976-1979, hence, the rebirth of democracy in Nigeria.
But the problem is that since the past 14 years, our democracy could be described as modern day colonialism. This is because between the period under review, there has been a lot of security challenges of different shades that have spread its wings over the citizenry.
It is however regrettable that from 2011 when Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan was pronounced the substantive President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria after the unfortunate demise of his predecessor, Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, some political stalwarts have ensured that they made Dr. Jonathan’s administration difficult. This is clear with the emergence of an Islamic anti-social and terrific body known as Boko Haram which suddenly surfaced and has kept the country partially ungovernable and in a tottering situation. Without doubt, innocent souls have been wasted in their numbers as Christian groups became the main target of attack at the northern enclaves. Although in the Niger Delta region, the Boko Haram insurgency is unknown, the area is infested with armed robbery, piracy, kidnapping and human trafficking activities which also spell insecurity in the area.
The matter is not helped by the presence of security agents some of whom even terroise the entire citizenry. They are likened to the Biblical injunction that “they come to you in sheep’s clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves”.
For instance, in Rivers State and within the metropolitan city of Port Harcourt, hardly do people move freely especially motorists, without being embarrassed by a member of one uniformed agency or the other, violating the ethos of a democratic system of governance whereby all citizens are stakeholders. To me, their action is perceived as internal terrorism and modern colonialism even in this democratic dispensation.
There is a plethora of law-enforcement agents in different uniforms, and touts that specalise in extorting money indiscriminately from citizens through threats from commercial and private road users over infinitesimal and/or unfounded crime(s), thus, foisting traffic jams and disorder on the highways as well as causing hike in transport fares by commercial drivers due to the “roger” syndrome in the system. It is unfortunate that the police sometimes could not render adequate help to the oppressed and assaulted but rather assist to exacerbate the ugly situation. It is thus necessary for law-enforcement agents to change their attitude to the citizenry in order to rekindle the hope of the common citizen on the law enforcers.
It is wrong that citizens should move in fear of their law enforcement agents.
The rate of inhuman assault, terrorism and modern colonialism is alarming in a supposedly democratic system that the entire citizenry had clamoured for decades. There should be no doubt in the minds of the people, that democratic administration or democracy is the best form of government among others and should not be a curse on the people.
On the whole, Nigerians should take a bold step to make a change and pull resources together and move along with reformation agenda of Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. The fact that Nigeria attained sovereign status from the colonial masters 53 years ago without adequate change in socio-economic, political, cultural, religious, psychological, mental and moral behaviour should bother the citizenry and the government to make necessary changes.
What makes Nigeria a giant of Africa is not necessarily her natural and geographical size and location, but Nigerians in their exhibition of good governance and high morality both internally and externally. When all citizens of Nigeria both at home and in the Diaspora could see themselves as a mirror by which the integrity of Nigeria is determined, then, the need for a change of attitude cannot be overemphasised.
As such, people should endeavour to avoid painting Nigeria with the picture of primitivity and uncivilisation in a modern and enlightened era. Therefore, nobody should constitute a bundle of nuisance in the society, hence, the eradication of mass illiteracy from 2015 and beyond as propounded in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) is paramount.
Ominyanwa resides in Port Harcourt
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo