Opinion
Much Ado About FG/ASUU Agreement
There has been so much
fuss about the on-going strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). So much that at some point it has either been ridiculously personalised, politicised or made to look cynically unbecoming of supposedly respected intellectuals.
It is, in fact, most dishearteningly difficult to view it otherwise. Particularly when one considers that someone as highly, strategically and respectfully placed as the Senate President could so sarcastically declare that the Federal Government (FG) and ASUU representatives which voluntarily agreed on the way forward for Nigeria’s comatose education sector are nonentities. His reason being that they should have known ab initio that the terms of the agreement were impossible to implement.
It is however, reassuring that the consensus is for ASUU to sheathe its sword and go back to the classroom while negotiation continues. In most cases, calls in this direction are made with the innocuous belief that ASUU should understand that no one can win a case against the Federal Government. This is why many see ASUU as taking the issue unnecessarily too far.
No one seems to ask why it took this long or, worse still, no one seems to pause to ponder why it has to take a strike by the lecturers for the 2009 Agreement to be revisited and implemented. Even those who have over the years complained bitterly about the poor state of the country’s education sector now blame ASUU for the continued stand-off.
Beyond this, if most of the hullabaloo on the ASUU strike can be dismissed as the wranglings, of the uninformed or ill-informed, the same can hardly be said of the Senate President, whose privileged position affords him the opportunity of getting firsthand knowledge on national issues like the Federal Government, ASUU Agreement.
It is, therefore, unexpected that the Senate President, should make assertions about such sensitive issue as the ASUU strike, which has kept Nigerian children, tomorrow’s workforce, at home for over five months, in such derogatory terms by showing disdain to the calibre of persons involved in the 2009 FG/ASUU Agreement.
Events leading to the 2009 Agreement actually started on Thursday, December 4, 2006, when the then Minister of Education, Dr. Obiageli Ezekwesili, on behalf of the Federal Government of Nigeria inaugurated the FG/ASUU Re-negotiation Committee.
The Committee, comprising the Federal Government Re-negotiation Team, was led by the then Pro-Chancellor of the University of Ibadan, Deacon Gamaliel O. Onosode (OFR), while the ASUU Re-negotiation Team was led by the then President of ASUU, Dr. Abdullahi Sule-Kano.
The ASUU team submitted a position paper at the meeting titled, “Proposal for the Re-negotiation of the 2001 Agreement between the Federal Government of Nigeria/governments of the States that own Universities and the ASUU,’ which reflected the views of ASUU on various issues in the 2001 FGN/ASUU Agreement.
The position paper proposed a single term of reference, which was to renegotiate the 2001 FGN/ASUU Agreement and enter into a workable agreement.
Both teams agreed on four issues as their focus: (i) condition of service, (ii) funding, (iii) university autonomy and academic freedom, (iv) other matters.
Unanimously, the Agreement was targeted at ensuring the viability of the country’s university system, with one, rather than a multiple, set of academic standards; and whereas it was recognised by the Negotiating Teams that education is in the Concurrent Legislative List, and by the Agreement, the FG does not intend to and shall not compel the State Governments to implement the provisions of the Agreement in respect of their universities.
The parties were unanimous that State Governments would be encouraged to adopt the Agreement as benchmarks; details on the Agreement such as the breakdown of lecturers’ salary structure, staff loans, pension, overtime and moderation of examinations.
It was also agreed that entitled academic staff shall be paid earned allowances at the rates undertaken in the listed assignments, as well as that Decree 11 of 1993 and the Pension Reform Act (2004) should be amended.
It is noteworthy that the above negotiation was done in a peaceful manner, and in an atmosphere devoid of rancour, unnecessary politicking and blackmailing in order to enforce contractual positions.
It therefore behoves the Federal Government, which, as it were, has an upper hand in the arrangement to, at least, propose a reasonable meeting point if it feels the 2009 Agreement was done in error, and not to blame ASUU for drawing attention to the Agreement.
One of such reasonable meeting points that readily comes to mind is for the Federal Government to use its good offices to institute the Agreement using people it can trust, since the bone of contention seems to be lack of trust on how the proposed sum of money can be judiciously expended by the leadership of ASUU.
For the sake of Nigeria’s educational system, this Mortgage of the future of the country’s tomorrow’s leaders and generations yet unborn must stop. But there must also be a reasonable way forward, and only the Federal Government can set the tone by treading the path of honour that would bring about lasting peace and harmony in the country’s universities.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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