Opinion
Government Without Opposition (II)
The opposition of the
deregulation
of the downstream oil sector for example has been very weak. To be effective,
the opposition groups need to equip themselves with much more information than
is available on the pages of newspapers about the downstream sector. Decisions
on key national development issues such as the deregulation of the downstream
oil sector needs to be based on a rigorous knowledge and understanding of the
sector and not mere speculations based on theoretical abstraction. Where
necessary, opposition groups should make use of independent policy
think-tanks.”
Meanwhile, there is need for the opposition to strengthen
political relationships and to form
alliances and partnership with one
another, as well as with other interest groups across the country and even
internationally. If the opposition groups are to make the necessary impact on
the political system in the country, they will have to engage more on
discussions and negotiations among themselves and with politically influential
people who are not publicly known to be in the ruling political party.
There are a good number of renowned politicians in the
country who for one reason or the other are unable to join the PDP and would
not like to be associated with a weak political party.
Information dissemination and policy outreach activities is
another strategy. One of the strategies of the ruling party and the political
entrepreneurs in the country is to impoverish the people both materially and
intellectually as a means of disempowering them both politically and
economically. The political opposition groups in the country can enhance their
public influence if they can systematically empower the people by providing
them with useful information about politics and policy.
For example, Akitiyan Senator which means ‘the efforts of a
Senator’ is a Yoruba radio programme which became very popular in Oyo State in
less than one year because it tends to empower the people by providing
information about happenings in the Senate and the policies of government in
general. The popularity of Senator Adeyemo, the initiator of the radio
programme may be attributed largely to this radio programme.
There are many other innovative ways through which sensitive
information can be disseminated to the public and political actors.
Financial and other material inducements are very effective
in gaining political influence in the country and this will likely remain so
for some time. The primary reason for this is that the social institutions for
the allocation of resources and opportunities in the country have failed and
there is poverty and dependency in the land.
An indication of the seriousness of the dependency problem
in the politics of the country is the fact that the National Assembly had to
address the issue of demands for money and material gifts by members of their
constituency particularly during festive periods.
In the South West, some people talk of the ‘Amala Politics’,
to describe the situation in which politicians have to continuously feed their
followers daily particularly during elections. There are several accounts of
how the present PDP government in the country used financial inducement to buy
votes during the April 2003 elections.
At the intra- or inter-party levels, contracts, financial
rewards and appointments are used to negotiate for political support. The
shameful behavior of Alhaji Abdulkadir, the former National Chairman of the
Alliance for Democracy, is an example of how material inducements influence the
political power game at the institutional level.”
“The financial inducement strategy is being used mainly by
the political entrepreneurs. This strategy, as well as sentiment, tends to
shift focus away from the issues and challenges in the country.
Therefore, one thing that the opposition groups can do is to
find ways to maintain focus on issues and problems. While financial inducements
and public service are designed to meet the material needs in a poverty
stricken society, sentimentalism as a political strategy to gain influence, is
designed to meet the emotional needs of the people.
Humanity in general places a lot of emphasis on people’s
roots, cultural identity and spiritual belief. Hence, ethnicity and/or
tribalism and religion are critical issues in politics in general. But it is particularly
more relevant in poor communities because in the absence of material holdings,
poor people always tend to guide their ethnic and religious identity as
essential resources without which their life will not have any meaning. The
political entrepreneurs in the country always take advantage of these emotional
needs by the people of the country while the are most often neglected by the
opposition groups.
Dr. Akpogena, a christian devotional consultant, writes from
Port Harcourt.
Lewis Akpogena
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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