Opinion
Amaechi: Save Borikiri Residents
I use this singular privilege to congratulate you on your meritorious service to the people of Rivers State. It is evident since your inception into office as governor of the State, the laudable developmental projects embarked upon by your administration. The security of lives and property in the state is commendable.
Your Excellency, it is a notorious fact that for over two years, the Harold Wilson – Police Road is blocked against road users between the hours of 6 pm to 6 am. Worse still, even pedestrians are stopped from using the road at some point of the night. I also share the experience at about 10. pm on a fateful day. It will be re-called that few years ago, specifically on the eve of the Christmas/New Year festivities; there was a shoot-out in the area which led to the death of some innocent citizens of the country. This ugly incident led to the building of walls at night by the Nigeria Police Force, Borikiri Division till date. Your Excellency, it is only on this basis that the fundamental rights of the residents of Borikiri was perpetually violated by the Nigeria Police Force. The conduct is condemnable.
Rt. Hon, the right of freedom of movement is an inalienable right of every citizen of the State safeguarded by the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This right is not merely declaratory but mandatorily protected by the ground-num of the land. The Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, the sixth edition defines movement as “an act of moving from one place to another or of moving something from one place to another” Accordingly, Section 41 (1) of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 graciously couched that “every citizen of Nigeria is entitled to move freely throughout Nigeria and reside in any part thereof …” Nevertheless subsection (2) of the said constitution qualified the right guaranteed and state as follows “Nothing in subsection (1) of this section shall invalidate any law that is reasonably justifiable in a democratic society…” Sir, the reasonable justifiability of any law or conduct violating the right of movement of any citizen is based on two facts – when a citizen has committed or reasonably suspected to have committed a criminal office and for public interest.
Our governor, the fundamental right enshrined in our constitution is individualistic; hence the residents of Borikiri cannot suffer from an offence committed by one or group of persons assuming a crime is being committed. I humbly refer you to the case of Amachree v Newington (1952) 14 WACA 97 and advocate that subsection (2) does not apply to the residents of Borikiri as no criminal offence whatsoever is pronounced committed by a competent court of Justice. It is trite that the fundamental right of movement can not even be invaded by the legislature except for the sake of recognised public interest. Assuming but not acceding that there is a public interest, then, a public emergency shall be declared before any right is curtailed. In the instant violation and deprivation there is no recognised public interest, no public emergency, but a willful denial of our rights they ought to protect. The Western Nigeria crisis of 1962 adumbrates this fact. Movement of certain individuals were curtailed by the government as public emergency was declared under S. 70 (3) (b) of the then Federal Constitution and a set of 13 Regulations made under the Emergency Power Act 1961 and were approved by the Federal Parliament. The 1999 Constitution does not appear to have effected any change in this matter, thus, the procedure must be strictly adhered to. Consequently, in Alhaji O. S. Adegbenro V. A. G Federation and Ors (1962) WNLR 169, Taylor F. J. said, “in my judgment, the step which have been taken are reasonably justifiable as a preventive measure to attain peace and order …. “. The question is, is the end point of the barricade to attain peace and order or just a cowardice of the Police Force in discharging her duties? In Chief F. R. A Williams V. Majekodonmi (1962) All NLR 413 the Federal Supreme Court had no hesitation in declaring the restriction order violating the fundamental right of movement as ultra vires and therefore set aside.
Sir, for public emergency to be declared, it must be supported by not less than two-third majority of the House of Assembly. Can one abdicate the legislative powers of the legislature (House of Assembly) to Nigeria Police Force? Of curse, there is no such abdication, for the House of Assembly still takes charge as provided under Section 4 of the Constitution. It is my opinion, that, the violation is subversive of the right parliament enjoy notwithstanding the fact that the Government in council shall take decision necessary and expedient in the interest of the State. It is my argument that wherever anything is forbidden it is forbidden to do it directly or indirectly.
Your Excellency, it is burdensome, when persons or institutions established to protect and enforce the law willfully violate it. By the provision of Section 4 of the Police Act Cap P. 19 LFN, the law states categorically that, “ the Police shall be employed for the prevention and detection of crime, the apprehension of offenders, the preservation of law and order, the protection of life and property and the due enforcement of all laws and regulations … “ Can one run to the Borikiri Police in times of emergency when its doors are closed? Or could it be right that Section 4 of the said Act, exclusively protects the Nigeria Police Force nay Borikiri Police station? Obviously, the answer is in the negative for it is not permitted to be wiser than the law, not even the Nigeria Police Force. The barricade is an insignia of depression, as depression is a state of mind, a loss of faith instability and security of Rivers State. The people of Rivers State have worked pass such era, presumably if it ever existed.
The conduct of the Police intended to help, but could not redress the constitutional issue raised rather it subjects the inhabitants of Borikiri into slavery and long suffering.
My position therefore, is that the barricade is not only ultra vires, it is indeed unconstitutional; an infringement of the most solemn constitutionally guaranteed right.
Asemebo is a Port Harcourt based legal practitioner.
Fortune Asemebo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
Opinion
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Opinion
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