Opinion
Enhanced Pay For Media Workers
Last year, the Senate Committee on Information and Media canvassed an increase in the funding of Radio and Television Broadcasting in Nigeria. The committee chaired by Senator Ayogu Eze also called for an upward review of the salaries of the staff of Government owned media establishments.
According to the committee, the upward review of remuneration of staff would enhance the march towards deepening democracy and transparency in information dissemination and governance. The call come when society expects so much from media practitioners – in terms of accuracy and prompt reportage of events. It was apt and most commendable.
To whom much is given, much is expected. And what you sow is what you reap. This natural law guides every affair of man. Therefore a poorly funded corporation will always produce below average. Just as a poor remunerated media house staff would perform minimally. It is a give and take situation.
The social responsibility foisted on the media as catalysts of change is trite. It therefore behooves on the media to serve as the moulder of public opinion by sensitising the public to the effects of public policies on the society. One reason why the society and indeed government at all levels have not taken media practitioners seriously is because they sometime misconstrue the fundamental roles of the press vis-a-vis expectations of government. That is why it becomes pertinent to review the constitutional base of Nigeria press and the ethical base of the same. This will to some extent clarify and put issues in proper perspective.
The obligation of the mass media in section 21 of the 1979 constitution was retained in section 23 of the 1995 draft constitution. Not only that, the same section was reproduced as a right under chapter iv, which deals with fundamental rights. Even more far reaching was the right granted to everyone under section 35 and that included the press, to ensure the eradication of corrupt practices and abuse of power; protect and preserve public property; and fight against misappropriation and squandering of public funds.
Indeed section 40 of the 1979 constitution spells out Right to Freedom of Expression and the press. Number 4 of that section states that “Every citizen of Nigeria shall be entitled to know and be informed of the activities of the state and any of its organs and agencies”. Number 5 states “Nothing in this section shall invalidate any law that is reasonably justifiable in a democratic society.
Section 41 of the 1979 constitution, provided for limitations on the exercise of the rights guaranteed under section 40. From the constitutional provision, it is obvious that what under section 21 could not be accepted by the courts was available to be pronounced on where the press itself was threatened by anyone wanting to be arbitrary in the exercise of legislative, executive and judicial power.
Besides, reportage of economic and social rights which provide the effective content, and fulcrum upon which other rights are founded particularly the civil and political rights is most essential. The rights classified as economic and social Rights, are empowering rights to adequate housing, food, health, social security, to work, and adequate standard of living etc. They are found in the 1979 constitution and other relevant municipal statutes.
Economic, social and cultural rights acronymed ‘ECOSOC’ Rights are classified under the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy. Chapter 2 of the 1979 Constitution shows clearly therein is our Bill of duties just as the fundamental rights provisions in chapter four have been referred to as our Bill of Rights. These rights remain valid and claimable under municipal, international law and covenants. These ratified and domesticated laws by Nigeria are recognised under African charter on Human and People’s Rights and is enforceable. Recognizing and understanding the nitty gritty of responsibilities of the press and government easily brings appreciation to in enormity of the problems.
Complimenting these constitutional provisions is the ethical base of the Nigerian press. Media codes of conduct is put in place to ensure monitoring and strict supervision of performance of practitioners. Nigerian journalists have had for themselves codes of conduct before the ‘constitution imposed on them the obligation to monitor governance on behalf of the people. There should therefore be more to the code that regulates performance in Nigerian media than the argument posed in other places and other professionals.
The boldness-of the Senator Ayogu Eze led committee to inform government on the need for an enhanced welfare package for media workers particularly those on the pay roll of government is most appreciated. Appreciated too, is the fact that journalists of government owned media houses are labeled by the society as errand boys who only report censored stories by government. At other times, they are called government informants who should not be trusted nor taken seriously. Ironically, they are neither here nor there.
The State Council of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) and that of the Radio, Television and Theatre Arts Workers Union (RATTA WU) should open up discussion with the state government on an enhanced take home pay for media workers. I have no doubt in my mind that government will respond to the issue.
Truly, one is addressed by what he or she wears. Mere looking at news reporters at public functions should tell Government that all is not well in iterms of reward for services rendered. The ban on Okada in Port Harcourt and environs is telling seriously on staff as that was the easiest and less cost effective means of meeting daily assignments. Who respects the view and opinion of a man who although borrows a shirt to look good, yet sweating and looking like Christmas goat in it? Which highly placed personality gives listening ears to a man seen to be dressing as a tout but yet asking for an interview?
Let us know that this class of people equally have challenges and responsibilities to take care of.
This is the only way we can have robust information dissemination and proper monitoring of activities of government for an ensured accountability.
Nwiku resides in Port Harcourt.
Dick Saaronee Nwiku
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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