Opinion
Curbing Youth Restiveness In Niger Delta
Youth and restiveness are two words that have gained notoriety in the Nigerian context, especially in the Niger Delta region. With its oil resources which account for about 70 percent of the nation’s revenue, the Niger Delta region has become more or less the soul of Nigerian economy. Then, the question is “why youth restiveness in this region?
The word “youth”, according to Advanced Learners’ Dictionary, is defined as “when a person is still a child, especially the time before a child becomes an adult.” This may connote looking at the age bracket between eighteen and thirty five years. On the other hand, restive means “unable to be still or quiet, difficult to control, especially when one is not satisfied with something.”
The above definition of youth shows that youths have natural endowment of raw energy. They are always bubbling in spirit, with high hopes, big dreams, aspiration and ideas of what their future will be. To achieve this therefore they must not naturally be still or remain quiet, especially when their anticipation or future is heading towards the unexpected. They have to work if the basic needs of life must be met. Therefore, in this context, they have to be restive to an acceptable limit in order to lay a solid foundation for their future.
Permit me to identify and group restive youths into four categories. The first is the group that is geared towards genuine agitation for the rights and restoration of dignity to the Niger Delta . Example of this was the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) led by Late Ken Saro-Wiwa. The late social critic and other eight Ogoni sons were murdered by the late Sani Abacha’s government for agitating for the rights of the Ogoni people. We also have the Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND) in this group.
The second group is made up of youths who engage in self-seeking and criminal activities such as oil-bunkering, armed robbery and other heinous crimes. They are also being used as political thugs by politicians from this region to intimidate political opponents and to rig elections.
The third group comprises of youths who engage in supremacy contest among one another, in a bid to gain government’s recognition and attention. The supremacy contest between the group led by Asari Dokubo and another one by Ateke Tom for some years now is a clear example. Their activities in the Niger Delta have claimed many lives, as well as forestalling economic activities in the Niger Delta region.
The last group is made up of youths who are on a revenge mission for being used and dumped by politicians after getting to power.
Given the bad image the activities of the last three groups have, and are still causing the Niger Delta, there is an urgent need for solution.
Besides concentrating energies on how to retrieve the guns from some of these groups that have taken hostage-taking and a host of other vices as means of livelihood, the government at all levels should be sincere in the development of the Niger Delta region which produces about 70 per cent of the nation’s revenue.
For example, top priority attention should be given to education in terms of budget. If not up to university level, at least primary and secondary education should be made free to reduce the number of school drop-outs who, for lack of better things to do, join restive groups.
Meanwhile, government and the oil and gas companies operating in the region should provide employment for the youths of this region. The oil and gas companies should always respect the (MOU) agreement they entered into with their host communities to avoid unnecessary clashes with the youth bodies.
In addition, anti-corruption agency should double its efforts in fighting cases of corruption in the Niger Delta.
If these and many other suggestions are carried out by the Federal, State and Local Government, and oil companies operating in the Niger Delta, the issue of youth restiveness will be a thing of the past.
Enyina wrote in from Port Harcourt.
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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