Opinion
Time Up For African Dictators
The recent political crisis in Zimbabwe that led to the emergency exit of Robert Gabriel Mugabe from power after 37 years of abysmal administration, brings to limelight the acute leadership problem in Africa.
African leaders have always demonstrated a propensity for holding on to power for eternity. Their inordinate quest has caused many African countries to become slaves in the hands of dictators who rose like ‘messiahs’ to fight for the freedom of their people in the colonial times.
Some of the supposed ‘messiahs,’ on taking power, have transubstantiated into terrors to the chagrin of their own citizens who are going through hell and very harrowing times than they experienced under colonial leadership.
While it seems like a death sentence for many African Presidents to quit after a tenure or two, some of the so-called freedom-fighters-turned tyrants have ruled for more than three decades. They have become inebriates of power that death is the only authority that can separate them from office.
Top on the list of Africa’s longest serving leaders are Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, Jose Eduardo dos Santos, Paul Biya, Yoweri Museveni, King Mswati, Omar al-Bashir, Idris Derby, Isaias Afwerki, Dennis Sassou Nguesso, Abedelaziz Bouteflika, Paul Kagama and Joseph Kabila.
Teodoro Mbasogo, 74, is the President of Equatorial Guinea. He assumed authority in August 1979 in a coup and has ruled for 38 years. He won the last election to extend his tenure by seven years. In July this year, he was elected life president of the ruling political party.
Jose Eduardo Santos has been Angola’s president since 21st September, 1979. He seized power after the death of his predecessor and has been ruling Angola since then. Santos, 73, has ruled his country for 36 years.
President Paul Biya of Cameroon became president following the resignation of his predecessor, Ahmadou Ahidjo, in November 1982. Biya served as Cameroon’s prime minister when Ahidjo was in the saddle.
Yoweri Museveni is the current Ugandan president, who assumed office since 29 January 1986, when his rebel group seized power. Since then, he has been in control. He won his country’s poll in 2016 to extend his 30 years rule by five years.
King Mswati is the King of the Kingdom of Swaziland, a land located between South Africa and Mozambique. He became King of Switzerland on 26 April, 1986, at the age of 18. He is one of the last absolute monarchs in the world.
Omar al-Bashir of Sudan became president in 1989 in a military coup against democratically-elected Prime Minister Sadiq al-Mahdi. He has been in command despite the accusation against him by the International Criminal Court of organising war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur.
Idriss Derby, the Chadian president, took office in the face of an uprising against President Hissene Habre in December 1990 and has survived several rebellions against his own rule. He won election in 1996 and 2001 and won again after the elimination of term limits.
Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea got in the saddle since Eritrea’s independence in 1993. He has held on to power till date. Unfortunately, Eritrea is a one-party state. The People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) is the only existing political party that can participate in election.
President Denis Nguesso of Republic of Congo has ruled for two tenures. First, he ruled as head of state between 1979 and 1992. He returned to power at the end of the 1997 civil war when his forces ousted former President Pascal Lissouba.
The Algerian President, Abedelaziz Bouteflika, has ruled his country for 18 years. He was a minister between 1963 and 1979 and eventually became president in 1999. He secured landslide election victories in 2004 and 2009 and went on to win a fourth term in office in April 2009. He ended the bloody civil war in the country in 2002.
Paul Kagame of Rwanda undertook office in 2000 when his predecessor, Pasteur Bizimungu, resigned. Kagame commanded the rebel force that ended the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
Joseph Kabila has been president of the Democratic Republic of Congo since January 2001. He took office ten days after his father, Laurent-Desire Kabila, was assassinated.
The African dictators indicated above have steadfastly conserved fierce stranglehold on their countries, keeping their people in poverty and ignorance. Their greed threatens to plunge the entire continent and their countries into political convulsions to satisfy their egoistic ambitions to remain in power, long after their constitutionally prescribed tenures have elapsed.
Governance may not be an exacting science, but experience globally has demonstrated that four years is enough for leaders to prove their abilities. A second four is the maximum period to give way for new ideas and persons.
Africa will maintain its backward slide as long as leaders of this particular kind decline to quit at the appropriate time. Regrettably, it has become a curse on the continent.
By: Arnold Alalibo.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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