Opinion
Centenary: Long Walk To Bad Leadership?
As the centenary cel
ebration of Nigeria’s amalgamation began and ended recently, the singular question that has remained unanswered and has continuously starred the nation in the face is the leadership question.
No other question has generated so much resentment than the issue of leadership. For 100 years, more than half of it spent as an independent nation, the leadership failure as been a recurring decimal, a sore thumb that has continued to ache the self-acclaimed giant of Africa.
Indeed, Nigeria’s leadership challenge began with its amalgamation supervised by Lord Fredrick Lugard, the then Governor – General of Nigeria. Before the creation of the union, Nigeria, in its potential form, existed as the Northern and Southern Protectorates. The union brought peoples of diversified cultures, ethnicity, tribes and religions together.
Lugard was an experienced soldier who had conquered many territories for the British Empire in the days of expansionism by the few strong nation-states at the period. As governor-general, he made sure Nigeria became an economic success for his country.
He introduced various tax collection methods and permitted slavery in the north, especially among the elite families. He was considered an absentee-leader whose period of leadership witnessed severe socio-economic exploitation and discrimination against Nigerians by the white colonialists.
His draconian and discriminatory rule advanced the violation of the fundamental rights of Nigerians including their economic and socio-political rights. This resulted in a sustained agitation for independence and democratic rule by the few educated Nigerians for 46 years.
The period between 1914 and 1960 witnessed the introduction of several colonial leaders and their local counterparts with varied leadership styles that led to the creation of many constitutions which altered Nigeria politically and administratively.
Upon attaining independence in 1960, the fleeing colonial masters bequeathed the type of Westminster parliamentary democracy that made remarkable achievements between 1960 and 1966 when the military intervened. However, the First Republic, with its parliamentary system, was wrecked because of ethnic and political intolerance by politicians, total disregard for the rule of law, corruption, abuse of office and mismanagement of human and material resources.
Apparently influenced by their British counterparts, the new crop of Nigerian leaders particularly at the centre, became the newly-inherited oppressors of the common Nigerians, riding roughshod on their rights and privileges.
Then came the military coup. The military intervened without much understanding of the system. They imposed a unitary government with Major-General John Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi as the leader. His tenure was characterized by draconian and undemocratic tendencies. Civilian participation in his regime was minimal and at fringe levels.
Aguiyi-Ironsi’s rule was toppled while he was killed on January 15, 1966 by a group of young militancy officers who struck in revenge of an earlier coup executed by Major Kaduna Nzeogwu and some of his fellow Igbo officers, which claimed the lives of the then prime minister and the premier of the northern region.
The bloodletting resulted in a three-year civil war under the leadership of General Yakubu Gowon. On July 29th, 1975, Gowon was overthrown and replaced with General Murtala Muhammed while General Olusegun Obasanjo was his deputy. Murtala’s leadership was a pragmatic one. He fought corruption in the civil service and the society as well.
But on February 13, 1976, he was assassinated. Obasanjo succeeded him and handed over to the Second Republic President, Alhaji Shehu Shagari on October 1, 1979. Shagari’s administration was inept and corrupt. His government was replaced by General Muhammed Buhari on December 31, 1983 in a coup.
Buhari’s administration fought corruption fiercely and instilled discipline in Nigerians. The regime was particularly known for the famous War Against Indiscipline, WAI, slogan. Nevertheless, a palace coup shoved aside the 18-month old regime and paved the way for General Ibrahim Babangida as Head of State on August 27, 1985. Babangida headed an excessively corrupt regime.
Generals Sani Abacha, and Abdulsalami Abubakar, all of them headed very corrupt regimes that were also known for notoriety and impunity. Obasanjo returned as civilian president in 1999. He fought corruption and misrule unsuccessfully. His successor, late Umaru Yar-Adua was elected in controversial circumstances. He launched the ‘Servant Leader’ concept, an indication that he wanted to lead as a servant of all Nigerians.
The incumbent, President Goodluck Jonathan, is yet to find his feet almost six years of assuming power. His regime is overwhelmed by corruption and insecurity.
Unfortunately, the leaders the nation has had from independence have been unable to take Nigeria to the ‘promised land.’ They get it wrong because they propagate ethnic politics and religious bigotry in an attempt to attain power. They are equally corrupt, inept and selfish.
It was late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, one of the pillars of the nation’s politics, who admonished that if those in authority united in probity, unselfishness and self-sacrifice, the people would follow all too easily in their footsteps.
Until our leaders heed the advice by the late sage the leadership question will remain a challenge.
Arnold Alalibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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