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Before PIB Becomes Law

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For over two decades now, the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) has been in the making yet to be passed into law. The long delay in having Petroleum Industry law in Nigeria has generated so much concerns and criticisms. This, The Tide investigation revealed, has frustrated investment in the oil and gas sector.

After several amendments, however, the PIB is now before the National Assembly awaiting to be passed into law. But sources say the current bill contains some defects that if passed into law, may not only meet the aspirations of Nigerians, but will also defeat the original concept of the bill.

The head of a multinational firm, for instance, was reported to have said the failure to pass the PIB would simply mean little or no further investment in the upstream sector of the petroleum industry “And that could result in huge losses for the federal government, as well as local companies, which could have benefited from such investment”, he said.

The Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) is a bill that contains all the requirements that apply to the entire petroleum industry in Nigeria. It covers such  matters as petroleum administration, royalties and taxes, bidding procedures, environmental obligations, employment, business opportunities and technical requirements.

Petroleum matters, which before now, usually came under different laws and regulations are now in a single bill, hence, PIB is a combination of 16 different Nigerian petroleum laws in a single transparent and coherent document.

The original concept of the PIB is to provide a strong basis for the renewal of Nigeria’s petroleum industry base on international best practices. It is meant to establish a new framework for the good governance of the oil industry with increased petroleum revenues for the country as well as, open a new window of opportunities for Nigerians.

In legislative drafting, for a law to command acceptability, it has to address the issue (s) that gave rise to the need for that law. It has to be consistent with existing laws on the issue. It should also make provision for what constitutes violation of that law, prescribe punishment and also put in place the mechanism for enforcement.

Regrettably, the current version of the PIB that is before the National Assembly did not meet the above-mentioned requirements. There are a lot of grey areas in the bill that call for serious concerns. Many stakeholders have urged the National Assembly to take another look at the bill before it is passed into law.

According to the programme officer of Social Action, Vivian Bellonwu, “PIB in its original concept or idea is very commendable. When we had a press conference calling on the National Assembly not to pass the PIB, we did so not with the intention of depriving the country of its benefits. We did so out of the concerns that we have noticed that emanate from that document (PIB).”

“There are a lot of aspects of that documents that fall seriously below standard. There are a lot of grey areas in that bill. And you know, one thing about law is that once it is passed, it becomes very difficult to amend.” Bellonwu argued that law is not like an ordinary policy government in power can alter at will.

“People must understand this, if you are making a law, you should make every effort to have a good law since amending a law is difficult”, she said.

Corroborating Bellonwu’s stance, Mrs Diezani Alison-Madueke, Minister of Petroleum, in an interview with This Day said “the Senate President had mentioned both to me and to the President that the bill that he saw at the Senate had given him grave concerns because several aspects of the bill had been glossed over and not thoroughly addressed. Yet, that bill had already been laid before the Senate and when it has been laid, you cannot take it away to amend. So I told him if that bill was the one to go forward for passage then we are finished”.

What then is wrong with the bill? The Minister provided the answer. “The fiscal regime, especially for gas had not been touched at all. In fact, the regimes were not just workable and they were actually punitive even to our own indigenous operators; that was one aspect of the bill that had a problem”.

Another grey area in the PIB is lack of provision for developing the specific capacity of members of oil bearing communities so that they can participate in the industry and benefit from it, especially in view of the devastating effects of oil exploration and exploitation in the country.

The President of the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) was reported to have lamented the exclusion of Petroleum Training Institute (PTI) which, according to him, “is solely responsible for training and retraining of more than 85 percent of the technical manpower in the entire upstream and downstream oil and gas sector in Nigeria”.

PTI appeared in the original draft of the PIB, but was later expunged. When compared with the Nigerian Minerals and Mining Act, 2007, there are discrepancies in the provisions for host communities. With the proposed PIB, an oil licence or lease can be granted without putting into consideration the closeness of the said field to the communities.

Section 3 (1) (C) of the Mining Act provides that , “no mineral title granted under this Act shall authorize exploration or exploitation of mineral resources on, or in of the erection of beacons on or the occupation of any land  occupied by any town, village, market, burial ground or cemetery, ancestral, sacred or archaeological site, appropriated for a railway or sited within fifty metres for a railway or which is the site of or within fifty metres of any government or public building, dam or public road”.

Also in section 102 of the Mining Act, the right of the owner of the property is recognized by giving the owner the right to determine the rent. This is seen in part of section 102 which provides a mining lease on any private or any state land should require the owner or occupier of the land to state in writing within the period specified by regulation made under the Act the rate of the owner desires should be paid to him by the leasee for the land occupied or used by it for or in connection with its mining operation”.

Noting the ambiguity of this community equity, Bellonwu says: “in the harmonized version, the equity was included. But now, it is one thing putting something and use another means to take away the entire thing. That is what they have done in that bill. The equity being talked about in the bill is vague. This is because it does not clearly define what the equity is all about. It just says 10 percent of what? Is it 10 per cent of royalties? Is it 10 percent of the entire oil drilled in the country? 10 per cent of what? It is not clearly defined.

Besides, it has a lot of deductions that has been introduced into the 10 percent that would practically erode the entire fund that goes to communities. For instance, there is an area or clause that says 10 per cent of 10 per cent would be deducted and used to run administration she argues that it is a ploy to make host communities feel that they are being given something when nothing is being given to them.

“It will still end up in the moribund NDDC that we have today. What are they deducting 10 per cent from 10 per cent for? What we are saying is that the deductions are wrong”, she says.

Meanwhile, there are other sections of the bill that demand the urgent attention of the National Assembly. These include the provisions on the management of the environment, gas flaring transparency and accountability in resource management, funding of proposed institutions, restriction on suits against the proposed institution and transparency and openness in the process of awarding licences, among others.

With the so many loopholes in the bill, it is not clear yet how the PIB, when passed into law, intends to address the equity rate, gas flaring and environmental gradation, among others.

Vivian-Peace Nwinaene

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Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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… And It Came To Pass

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Quote:“Leadership is not measured by how hard one strikes back, but by how steady one remains under provocation.”
Tell it  in Rivers State, publish it  in the streets of Port Harcourt, so  the daughters of the State could rejoice, and the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph and know that Fubara is not vindictive”. And it came to pass that Rivers State emerged from one of the most delicate chapters in its political journey, the period of emergency rule that spanned from March 18 to September 18, 2025. It was a season that tested institutions, strained loyalties, and exposed the fragile balance between power and principle. During that time, the suspended Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara DSSRS, was widely believed to have suffered not only political setbacks but personal betrayal, allegedly from some top civil servants within the state apparatus. These were individuals expected to uphold neutrality and professionalism, yet were accused in public opinion of taking sides against the very government they served.
As the emergency rule ended and Governor Fubara resumed office, expectations were shaped less by policy and more by emotion. Many assumed that revenge would quietly find expression through governance. The loudest suspicion centered on the 2025 Christmas bonus of ?100,000 traditionally paid to each worker. The thinking was simple and cynical: a wounded governor would surely withhold goodwill. Some voices even mocked workers  openly hoping that the governor would refuse to pay the bonus. To them, denial of the bonus would serve as proof of political strength and justified retaliation. In reality, such thinking revealed a troubling desire to see governance reduced to personal vendetta. Yet,  it came to pass, the governor chose a path that confounded suspicion. Against all expectations, the 2025 Christmas bonus was paid.
That single decision quietly but firmly reframed the narrative. It showed a leader focused on governance rather than grudges, on institutional continuity rather than emotional satisfaction. The payment was not a favor, nor was it a concession; it was a statement that public administration must rise above personal injury. By honoring the bonus, Governor Fubara demonstrated that leadership is not measured by how hard one strikes back, but by how steady one remains under provocation. He made it clear that workers’ welfare would not become collateral damage in political disagreements. This action also served as a moral rebuke to those who celebrated division and hoped for punishment. Governance is not validated by the suffering of workers, nor is leadership strengthened by withholding entitlements. At the same time, the issue of alleged sycophancy and betrayal within the civil service cannot be brushed aside. If proven, such conduct deserves firm, lawful, and institutional correction. Civil servants are bound by duty to the state, not to political conspiracies or shifting loyalties.
However, justice must never be confused with revenge. The strength of governance lies in correcting wrongs without destroying the system itself. Governor Fubara’s restraint suggested an understanding that the future of Rivers State mattered more than settling scores. For workers, this moment carried an important lesson. Celebration should be rooted in good governance, not in the expectation of another’s downfall. Rejoicing in rumors of denial or punishment undermines the very stability that protects workers’ welfare. Public service thrives where professionalism, mutual respect, and accountability are upheld. Pettiness, gossip, and political scheming only weaken institutions and erode trust. History often remembers leaders not for the crises they inherit, but for the character they display in response. In paying the 2025 Christmas bonus, Governor Fubara chose legacy over impulse, maturity over malice.
And so, it came to pass that focus defeated revenge, governance triumphed over bitterness, and Rivers State was reminded that true leadership is proven when restraint is expected least but delivered most. Beyond the symbolism of the Christmas bonus lies a deeper question about the kind of political culture Rivers State intends to cultivate in the years ahead. Periods of emergency rule, anywhere in the world, often leave behind residues of suspicion, fear, and silent realignments. Institutions do not emerge untouched; individuals recalibrate loyalties, some out of conviction, others out of self-preservation. What distinguishes stable democracies from fragile ones is not the absence of such moments, but the discipline with which leadership manages their aftermath. River.
King Onunwor
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That Withdrawal of Police   Orderlies  From VIPs

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Quote:”Balancing VIP security with public safety remains a tightrope walk in a country where the majority of citizens are still under-protected.”
The Presidential announcement on the removal of police orderlies from persons in authority and their relations  ( Very Important Persons ) last month came as a relief to many Nigerians who felt deprived    of one major  role of government ; security of lives and property.The higher  population of Nigerians  missed needed security because the VIPs and the VVIPs kept  retinue of Police Officers  totalling over 100 ,000 to  themselves and their family members as if they are all that matter  while some  communities under attack of terrorists  have no single unit of  police station located there in. While many hailed the announcement , some said perhaps the government has just woken up to her major responsibility of securing the lives and property of all  citizens while many expressed indifference on the note that it may be one of those pronouncements which come only in words but no action .Many keep their fingers crossed watching how it will play out , how Mr President  will  go about the implementation of the seemingly dicey  policy .
Benjamin Franklin  said “well said is better than well done ”  It is sufficient today to say that many Nigerians including me are still waiting and watching to see  how well  and how long this  return  of the Police service to the ordinary people will go . Wishing hopes will not be crashed ,  It  is note worthy, that  the recent complaints by the VIPs of being exposed to attacks  may in a way affect the action on implementation. Recently, at Senate plenary , another worrisome  angle came up as Senator Abdul Ningi  coming through a motion    disclosed that he had only one police officer attached to him ( his office ) and that  the officer was recalled the week before following  Mr President’s directive  . Senator Ningi said the withdrawal exposed him to high risks but underscored the angle that while his orderly  was recalled , many other politicians , men  and women in authority, business concerns   foreigners  and even children of some  VIPs are still enjoying retinue of police protection ( officially attached to them ).
 It’s note  worthy also that the Deputy Senate President , Distinguished Senator Jibrin Barau,  who presided  over  the session revealed that the  leadership of both chambers are already in discussion with President Tinubu on the need  to exempt  the law makers  from the new policy .  Senator Ningi may not be  wrong . After all he emphasized he is okay  provided that the removal of the Police Orderlies be done across board . Senator Barau noted that talks are on  over the issue of law makers’    in line with international practice . Further details from the Presidency  noted  that   Presiding officers  will retain their  police officers ,  others would have Civil Defense  officers ( NSCDC) as orderlies while  any other VIP who feels he or she deserves personal police protection should get clearance from  his office . In the midst of all  issues weighing in on the proper implementation , it becomes necessary  to bear in mind that  the decision  hinges on  the realization that Nigeria has peculiar security issues (of kidnappings, banditry, and terrorism.) and that  majority of Nigerians   are under protected.
More so, that if well  implemented, Police officers will focus on core duties; even as 30,000 new police officers are to  recruited to enhance security .That implementation  must be made in a  way that leaves no room.for selective  treatment loss of confidence  and  controversies.  Looking at previous attempts of  implementation  of this policy  gives faint hope  as several  attempts consistently failed . Former  IGPs like Tafa Balogun (2003), Ogbonnaya Onovo (2009), and Ibrahim Idris (2018) tried  the policy but all  failed due to political resistance from various angles. All the failed attempts  were tied to lack of political will  mostly due to the fact that the directives came from police chiefs, not the president. Selective Enforcement was another killer to the policy  as  partial implementation  met  resistance   and   later  reversal . Egbetokun (2023) and Adamu (2020) saw minimal impact.
Further more entrenched corruption in the system saw  Politicians and VIPs quietly regain police escorts due to ‘transactional economics”and pressure. Worse still the mindset of the  police officers  withdrawn didn’t help the policy Underpaid police prioritize VIP duties for extra benefits. Many wish President Tinubu’s move can  break this cycle.  As at today, he  still  insists the move is non-negotiable while stressing collaboration with states to upgrade training facilities. As citizens look forward to  success of the policy  without undue exposure of both sides, balancing VIP security with public safety remains a tightrope walk. Talk fades ; action echoes.  How the Presidency  implements this policy.  has  much to tell on the governments stand on national / community  security , choice of priority and the ability to   stand uncomprised . The known  goal is clear:  The outcome is  not yet certain.  Fingers crossed , we await . Definitely , time will tell.
By: Nneka Amaechi-Nnadi.
s State stood at such a crossroads in September 2025. The temptation to rule with a long memory and a heavy hand was real. Yet, the choice made signaled a preference for healing over hardening. Leadership after crisis demands more than administrative competence; it requires moral clarity.
 Governor Fubara’s decision reminded the state that authority is not best exercised through silent punishment or selective generosity. Rather, it is strengthened when rules remain rules, irrespective of personal injury. By keeping faith with workers, the government preserved an essential firewall between politics and public service. That firewall, once breached, turns governance into a battlefield where livelihoods become weapons. Rivers State narrowly avoided that descent. In doing so, it affirmed that institutions must outlive tempers, and governance must not mirror the bitterness of political seasons. This moment also invites sober introspection within the civil service itself. Allegations of partisanship, if left unresolved, corrode professionalism and weaken public confidence. A civil service that drifts into political camps loses its moral authority and operational effectiveness.
Therefore, reform, where necessary, should be guided by due process, transparency, and institutional review—not whispers, witch-hunts, or mob verdicts. Accountability strengthens systems when it is fair; it destroys them when it is arbitrary. The restraint shown by the executive places a corresponding burden on administrative leadership to restore discipline, neutrality, and pride in public service. For the wider political class and the commentariat, the episode serves as a caution against normalizing cruelty as strategy. The eagerness with which some anticipated workers’ suffering revealed a dangerous appetite for scorched-earth politics. When governance becomes a spectator sport where pain is cheered and deprivation is weaponized, society inches toward moral exhaustion. Rivers State has seen enough turbulence to know that stability is not sustained by triumphalism, but by restraint.
The lesson is simple yet profound: power is fleeting, but institutions endure; leaders pass, but precedents remain. In the end, the payment of the 2025 Christmas bonus was more than a fiscal act—it was a civic statement. It told workers they were not expendable. It told political actors that revenge would not be policy. And it told the state that maturity in leadership is not weakness, but strength under control. In a climate where many expected fire, restraint prevailed; where bitterness was predicted, balance emerged. Thus, Rivers State was offered a rare reminder that governance, at its best, is an act of discipline, and leadership, at its highest, is the courage to rise above provocation.
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