Opinion
Amalgamation: Bane of N’Delta Dillema
Retrospectively, the unprecedented calamities befallen the South-South geopolitical zone or known as the oil-rich Niger Delta for almost a century ago is rooted since 1914 when the then Southern Protectorate was amalgamated with the northern Protectorate by the administration of the colonial masters, championed by Sir Fredrick Lord Luggard. M actually, the amalgamation later began Federated status of Nigeria in 1954 before attaining a sovereign nation in 1960.
Without controversy, the Southern Protectorate was the sustaining force of economy and of course booming over her Northern counterpart. However, the colonial motivators were closely aligned to the Northern region during their immigration as they established tight relationships with them. It was obvious that due to economic recession, of the Northern region, they became jealous and envious because of the economic potentialities of the Southern Protectorate.
Due to this development, the only alternative to break the bond was the conception and strategic plan for the merging of the two socio-economic entities. In order to actualize the conception, the Northerners in collaboration with the colonial personnel dwelling in their domain, devised a magnetic and subtle approach were able to subdue the intelligence of the Southern elites and lured them into agreement of amalgamation.
As soon as the game was successful on the part of the Northerners, before the Southerners could realize the implication of the agreement, all key and essential socio-economic positions have been occupied by the Northerners, whereas the Southerners were only allowed for menial jobs. In fact, this is how the Northerners had upper hands over the secret and natural preserves of the southern region and eventually usurp the sole resposibilities and possessed the possessions of he bonafide citizens of he Niger Delta sub-region.
In the world of leadership; it is crystal clear that the Northerners have been playing domineering role during pre and post independence in all ramifications u to he present dispensation of democratic administration. For instance, from 1960 till present, Nigeria had witnessed thirteen leaders at the national level.
Out of these thirteen administrations, only four emerge from he eastern and western geo-political areas. Meanwhile, the rest of the nine administrators hail from he Northern region respectively. The point here is: how could one strike a balance in a nation which purported to be one entity?
Furthermore, imagine the nullification of the best and well conducted Presidential election of June 12, 1993 between Alhaj Tofa of the Northern Republican Convention and Moshood M.K.O. Abiola of the Southern Democratic Paraty (SDP), by the maradonic military administration of General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida who step aside in August, 1993 due to some political pressures from Abiola – the supposed winner of the annulled election. It is unfortunate that IBB did not adduce reasons and apology for nullifying the said election o the Nigerian citizenry. Psychologically, the act would not be unconnected with the fact that a Northerner (Tofa) failed the elections they have designed within the leadership domain.
Herein, the issues of the Niger Delta is so complex which could be likened to the episode of the israeltes who were in bondage for decades under the tyrannical and despotic rulership of King Pharoah of Egypt. Similarly, the adage of a blind man also indicates that he would sometimes identify the shadow of someone passing before his face at intervals. Of course, it is asserted that despite he blindness, the eye brows are always focused and steadfast.
The struggle for appropriate and adequate identity of the oil-producing communities and the demand for resource control began decades ago which has claimed mancipation of the land of milk and honey from the shackles of underdevelopment were championed by the Human Rights activists Kenule Saro-Wiwa, Dr. Obi Wali, Prof. Claude Ake just to mention but few, who toed the footprints of their predecessors.
In fact, since the sacrifices of these legends of the oil-rich region, the demand for rightful position of the economic base of the nation has been persistent as the peoples’ eyes were once again became washed with eye salve.
It is equally quite unfortunate that instead of being allowed the management of the natural resources accruing from the soil regime which until its dissolution in 2000 AD, did not have any developmental impact for the oil-bearing communities.
During the OBJ’s administration, Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was also established to replace OMPADEC, all to no avail for the purpose for which it was created.
Realistically, Amah community of OgbaiEgbema/Ndoni Local Government Area of Rivers State is an evidence of non-developmental ventures by these moribund institutions. In the resent dispensation under Alhaji Umaaru Yaar’Adua as president of Nigeria, a Federal Ministry of Niger Delta was as well carved out all for the sole aim of developing the oil-producing areas. However, it is doubtful what impact the federal Ministry of Niger Delta can make beyond OMPADEC and NDDC respectively.
Additionally, these inhuman and ugly characteristics exhibited by the military juntas and worst of it as could be focused in the democratic dispensation has given rise to incessant youth restiveness, militancy the only resort to express displeasure to the powers that be. The Niger Deltans have been awakened from her slumber and never to allow the peppering of soap in her eyes while right away in the water!
Conclusively, the on-going amnesty programme embarked upon by the Federal Government should be handled with all seriousness and commitment in order to avoid reoccurrence of the ugly episodes which has devastated the economy. Therefore, adequate machineries should be put in place to redirect and put to rest the deadly conditions of the producing communities of the Niger Delta region in terms of providing socio-economic and infrastructural facilities and amenities.
Without mincing words, the 1914 amalgamation has caused a great setback on the Niger region and it is high time drastic measure should be applied. For how long shall the abject marginalization saga continue?
Enough is enough!
Comrade N. Ominyanwa is of Rivers State Science and Technology
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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