Editorial
Still On ASUU Strike

The ongoing warning strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) has again put parents and students on edge across the country. The union had started a month-long strike to allow the Federal Government time to respond to concerns in the 2009 pact and others. If the warning strike turns into a real industrial action, the likelihood of another prolonged closure of public universities is a complete safeguard.
The university teachers’ union claimed that it was left with no choice but to down tools since the Federal Government had purposely declined to put into effect the indenture already signed by both bodies. Specifically, they rued the government’s refusal to implement February 7, 2019 memorandum of agreement, which contained imperative highlights of the 2009 pact, according to them.
Since 1999, ASUU has initiated as many as 15 strikes. Each time the academics downed tools, the reason comes off as the same – neglect of the ivory towers by successive governments. The Federal Government’s repudiation of the agreement it voluntarily entered into with the academics is clearly the source of the imbroglio. The union had renegotiated the pact and reassessed its demands for ease of implementation.
However, long after the renegotiated agreement was signed, it is yet to be effectuated, hence, the continued strike, which has been dealing a cataclysmic blow to quality education in our public varsities. While we are mindful of other contending demands on the authorities given lean resources, we are consternated by the missteps of the administration to actualise the agreement, at least piecemeal, to save the nation’s tertiary education from total collapse.
Without a doubt, the country’s higher education system is in a profound crisis and the government is mainly to blame. It underfunds its tertiary institutions, almost totally abandons research, interferes with their operation and rewards mediocrity. It coalesces all this by establishing more institutions even when the funds to run them are unavailable and enters into pacts with ASUU and other associations to increase funding and emoluments only to renege. This is a template for disorder.
ASUU said the Federal Government had, last December, agreed to replace the Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPIS) software with which it pays federal employees with the University Transparency and Accountability Solution (UTAS) developed by the union. The agreement was sealed to end the prolonged strike by the lecturers, who opposed the IPPIS being used for dons.
IPPIS was rejected on the grounds that it did not take into account particularities such as earned academic allowances, consultancy services and multiple teaching tasks associated with the university system. Consequently, the government agreed to adopt UTAS, release N22.17 billion for earned allowances by October last year, and another N30 billion to revitalise the dilapidated federal universities, another long-running demand of ASUU.
But the UTAS option failed because, according to the Finance Minister, Zainab Ahmed, the Federal Government was awaiting advice from the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) on the adoption of the payment device. This is consistent with sustained official bad faith. Why agree to adopt UTAS only to turn around a year later and claim to be awaiting advice?
Obviously, in dealing with labour-related issues, the only language the Nigerian government understands is a strike. As a result, the nation has been routinely inundated with industrial actions by various unions, primarily to demand better working conditions. Regrettably, various interventions by esteemed stakeholders have been unavailing. Both sides in this never-ending dispute must deepen dialogue.
The system has lost about 50 months cumulatively. Nigerian universities have wasted a year every five years since 1999. From a five-month strike at the start of the Fourth Republic, to three months in 2001, two weeks in 2002 and six months in 2003, there were similar closures every year from 2005 to 2012. Others in 2013, 2017 and 2018 consolidated gains such as separate salary structure, increase in the retirement age of professors and a promise to improve university funding.
Under President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, ASUU had shut down universities for an aggregate of 13 months by December, 2020, compared with an additive 18 months under Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007) and 13 months under Goodluck Jonathan (2010–2015). Since the nation is on the eve of an election year, Nigerians can do well to vote only candidates that have a favourable proclivity towards the development of the education sector.
A university stands to meet national goals and provides experts in all fields. In an egressing economy, it should be well funded, staffed and equipped. Federal and state governments should set up and maintain only the universities they can fund. In the First Republic, universities and colleges founded by deceased regional governments met this criterion, allowing them to run institutions of global specification, which fascinated students all over the world.
There is a need for ASUU to scrutinise and expose the enormous corruption of its members. There is no doubt that the union cannot exonerate its members from unethical, unprofessional and illegal practices, such as certificate scandal, exam-related malpractice, sexual harassment and money-for-grades commonly called “sorting”, among other factors. These ills have brought the university system to its knees. Therefore, the union must unclutter its house before denouncing the government for the blight in the nation’s universities.
Any union can easily advance many reasons to strike in Nigeria, given the high level of poor governance in the country. But ASUU needs to change its approach and become more conscientious. Shutting down universities because of the whimsy of a government simply victimises innocent students and their parents. As scholars, they should think of more persuasive and innovative ways of protest to attenuate the misery of the blameless.
Editorial
No To Political Office Holders’ Salary Hike
Nigeria’s Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) has unveiled a gratuitous proposal to increase the salaries of political and public office holders in the country. This plan seeks to fatten the pay packets of the president, vice-president, governors, deputy governors, and members of the National and State Assemblies. At a time when the nation is struggling to steady its economy, the suggestion that political leaders should be rewarded with more money is not only misplaced but insulting to the sensibilities of the ordinary Nigerian.
What makes the proposal even more opprobrious is the dire economic condition under which citizens currently live. The cost of living crisis has worsened, inflation has eroded the purchasing power of workers, and the naira continues to tumble against foreign currencies. The majority of Nigerians are living hand to mouth, with many unable to afford basic foodstuffs, medical care, and education. Against this backdrop, political office holders, who already enjoy obscene allowances, perks, and privileges, should not even contemplate a salary increase.
It is, therefore, not surprising that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has stepped in to challenge this development. SERAP has filed a lawsuit against the RMAFC to halt the implementation of this salary increment. This resolute move represents a voice of reason and accountability at a time when public anger against political insensitivity is palpable. The group is rightly insisting that the law must serve as a bulwark against impunity.
According to a statement issued by SERAP’s Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, the commission has been dragged before the Federal High Court in Abuja. Although a hearing date remains unconfirmed, the momentous step of seeking judicial redress reflects a determination to hold those in power accountable. SERAP has once again positioned itself as a guardian of public interest by challenging an elite-centric policy.
The case, registered as suit number FHC/ABJ/CS/1834/2025, specifically asks the court to determine “whether RMAFC’s proposed salary hike for the president, vice-president, governors and their deputies, and lawmakers in Nigeria is not unlawful, unconstitutional and inconsistent with the rule of law.” This formidable question goes to the very heart of democratic governance: can those entrusted with public resources decide their own pay rises without violating the constitution and moral order?
In its pleadings, SERAP argues that the proposed hike runs foul of both the 1999 Nigerian Constitution and the RMAFC Act. By seeking a judicial declaration that such a move is unlawful, unconstitutional, and inconsistent with the rule of law, the group has placed a spotlight on the tension between self-serving leadership and constitutionalism. To trivialise such an issue would be harum-scarum, for the constitution remains the supreme authority guiding governance.
We wholeheartedly commend SERAP for standing firm, while we roundly condemn RMAFC’s selfish proposal. Political office should never be an avenue for financial aggrandisement. Since our leaders often pontificate sacrifice to citizens, urging them to tighten their belts in the face of economic turbulence, the same leaders must embody sacrifice themselves. Anything short of this amounts to double standards and betrayal of trust.
The Nigerian economy is not buoyant enough to shoulder the additional cost of a salary increase for political leaders. Already, lawmakers and executives enjoy allowances that are grossly disproportionate to the national average income. These earnings are sufficient not only for their needs but also their unchecked greed. To even consider further increments under present circumstances is egregious, a slap in the face of ordinary workers whose minimum wage remains grossly insufficient.
Resources earmarked for such frivolities should instead be channelled towards alleviating the suffering of citizens and improving the nation’s productive capacity. According to United Nations statistics, about 62.9 per cent of Nigerians were living in multidimensional poverty in 2021, compared to 53.7 per cent in 2017. Similarly, nearly 30.9 per cent of the population lives below the international poverty line of US$2.15 per day. These figures paint a stark picture: Nigeria is a poor country by all measurable standards, and any extra naira diverted to elite pockets deepens this misery.
Besides, the timing of this proposal could not be more inappropriate. At a period when unemployment is soaring, inflation is crippling households, and insecurity continues to devastate communities, the RMAFC has chosen to pursue elite enrichment. It is widely known that Nigeria’s economy is in a parlous state, and public resources should be conserved and wisely invested. Political leaders must show prudence, not profligacy.
Another critical dimension is the national debt profile. According to the Debt Management Office, Nigeria’s total public debt as of March 2025 stood at a staggering N149.39 trillion. External debt obligations also remain heavy, with about US$43 billion outstanding by September 2024. In such a climate of debt-servicing and borrowing to fund budgets, it is irresponsible for political leaders to even table the idea of inflating their salaries further. Debt repayment, not self-reward, should occupy their minds.
This ignoble proposal is insensitive, unnecessary, and profoundly reckless. It should be discarded without further delay. Public office is a trust, not an entitlement to wealth accumulation. Nigerians deserve leaders who will share in their suffering, lead by example, and prioritise the common good over self-indulgence. Anything less represents betrayal of the social contract and undermines the fragile democracy we are striving to build.
Editorial
No To Political Office Holders’ Salary Hike
Nigeria’s Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) has unveiled a gratuitous proposal to increase the salaries of political and public office holders in the country. This plan seeks to fatten the pay packets of the president, vice-president, governors, deputy governors, and members of the National and State Assemblies. At a time when the nation is struggling to steady its economy, the suggestion that political leaders should be rewarded with more money is not only misplaced but insulting to the sensibilities of the ordinary Nigerian.
What makes the proposal even more opprobrious is the dire economic condition under which citizens currently live. The cost of living crisis has worsened, inflation has eroded the purchasing power of workers, and the naira continues to tumble against foreign currencies. The majority of Nigerians are living hand to mouth, with many unable to afford basic foodstuffs, medical care, and education. Against this backdrop, political office holders, who already enjoy obscene allowances, perks, and privileges, should not even contemplate a salary increase.
It is, therefore, not surprising that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has stepped in to challenge this development. SERAP has filed a lawsuit against the RMAFC to halt the implementation of this salary increment. This resolute move represents a voice of reason and accountability at a time when public anger against political insensitivity is palpable. The group is rightly insisting that the law must serve as a bulwark against impunity.
According to a statement issued by SERAP’s Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, the commission has been dragged before the Federal High Court in Abuja. Although a hearing date remains unconfirmed, the momentous step of seeking judicial redress reflects a determination to hold those in power accountable. SERAP has once again positioned itself as a guardian of public interest by challenging an elite-centric policy.
The case, registered as suit number FHC/ABJ/CS/1834/2025, specifically asks the court to determine “whether RMAFC’s proposed salary hike for the president, vice-president, governors and their deputies, and lawmakers in Nigeria is not unlawful, unconstitutional and inconsistent with the rule of law.” This formidable question goes to the very heart of democratic governance: can those entrusted with public resources decide their own pay rises without violating the constitution and moral order?
In its pleadings, SERAP argues that the proposed hike runs foul of both the 1999 Nigerian Constitution and the RMAFC Act. By seeking a judicial declaration that such a move is unlawful, unconstitutional, and inconsistent with the rule of law, the group has placed a spotlight on the tension between self-serving leadership and constitutionalism. To trivialise such an issue would be harum-scarum, for the constitution remains the supreme authority guiding governance.
We wholeheartedly commend SERAP for standing firm, while we roundly condemn RMAFC’s selfish proposal. Political office should never be an avenue for financial aggrandisement. Since our leaders often pontificate sacrifice to citizens, urging them to tighten their belts in the face of economic turbulence, the same leaders must embody sacrifice themselves. Anything short of this amounts to double standards and betrayal of trust.
The Nigerian economy is not buoyant enough to shoulder the additional cost of a salary increase for political leaders. Already, lawmakers and executives enjoy allowances that are grossly disproportionate to the national average income. These earnings are sufficient not only for their needs but also their unchecked greed. To even consider further increments under present circumstances is egregious, a slap in the face of ordinary workers whose minimum wage remains grossly insufficient.
Resources earmarked for such frivolities should instead be channelled towards alleviating the suffering of citizens and improving the nation’s productive capacity. According to United Nations statistics, about 62.9 per cent of Nigerians were living in multidimensional poverty in 2021, compared to 53.7 per cent in 2017. Similarly, nearly 30.9 per cent of the population lives below the international poverty line of US$2.15 per day. These figures paint a stark picture: Nigeria is a poor country by all measurable standards, and any extra naira diverted to elite pockets deepens this misery.
Besides, the timing of this proposal could not be more inappropriate. At a period when unemployment is soaring, inflation is crippling households, and insecurity continues to devastate communities, the RMAFC has chosen to pursue elite enrichment. It is widely known that Nigeria’s economy is in a parlous state, and public resources should be conserved and wisely invested. Political leaders must show prudence, not profligacy.
Another critical dimension is the national debt profile. According to the Debt Management Office, Nigeria’s total public debt as of March 2025 stood at a staggering N149.39 trillion. External debt obligations also remain heavy, with about US$43 billion outstanding by September 2024. In such a climate of debt-servicing and borrowing to fund budgets, it is irresponsible for political leaders to even table the idea of inflating their salaries further. Debt repayment, not self-reward, should occupy their minds.
This ignoble proposal is insensitive, unnecessary, and profoundly reckless. It should be discarded without further delay. Public office is a trust, not an entitlement to wealth accumulation. Nigerians deserve leaders who will share in their suffering, lead by example, and prioritise the common good over self-indulgence. Anything less represents betrayal of the social contract and undermines the fragile democracy we are striving to build.
Editorial
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