Opinion
Soludo’s Mandate, Austerity Or Prudence?
The Governor of Anambra State, Prof. Chukwuma Soludo, recently celebrated the anniversary of his two years in office. Prof. Soludo won the Anambra State 2021 guber elections with a remarkable landslide, in one of Nigeria’s most popular and freest elections. A professor of economics and former governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, who spearheaded banking sector reforms and reconsolidation that became points of reference, Prof Soludo was heralded as the Messiah of Anambra State, especially as he promised to make the State the “Dubai and Japan of Africa.”
But mid-way into his administration, the euphoria about the Soludo magic has long dissipated. The disappointed well-wishers who gathered at the venue of his anniversary at Awka, may have come to get first-hand account of the happenings, and to reassess their stand. Usually such events are opportunities for office holders to recount their accomplishments. Governor Soludo, while narrating a litany of achievements said he runs an austere government in the State to the point of claiming not taking any salaries since assumption of office, and that even the first lady does not have any car allocation from the State.
What stands out however, is that the governor said he had insisted not to borrow, even though records show that the governor has sought and got approval from the State assembly to borrow N100 billion. So far, Soludo’s decision not to draw the loan is commendable, because records show that as at January 2023, the State’s debt deductions stood at N872,425,828.86 per month, which was 27.8 per cent of net statutory allocation, and 12.4 per cent of total allocation. Today, that burden is more than double due to naira devaluation.
Additional kudos goes to Soludo from Anambra’s 2024 budget summary documents, which show that the approved 2023 budget estimate of N260,394,690,434 yielded a revenue of only N155,647,114,526.22, of which the State spent only N76,905,169,399.35 to realise a whopping surplus of N78,741,945,126.87.
However, how austere is Soludo’s administration? And is austerity a measure of development? As sympathetic as the first family’s acclaimed self-denial may sound, the office of the first lady is not a constitutional creation, and therefore has no entitlements. The governor’s basic salary is N185,306.75, while his hardship and constituency allowances are N92,654.37 and N370,617.50, respectively, all of which sum to N648,578.62, a negligible amount compared to the governor’s monthly security vote of N850 million, amounting to over N10 billion per year, plus other perks of office.
Former Governor Obiano is currently facing charges of diverting N4 billion from security votes. Soludo should have told the public if he has cut down such humongous allowances.
Anambra State’s approved 2024 budget of N410,132,225,272.11 also shows that the governor’s office receives N11,199,200,089.19 comprising personnel bills of N4,668,243,574.08 and capital expenditure sum of N6,530,956,515.11, for the State’s Boundary Commission, Anambra State Public Procurement Agency, Anambra State Investment Promotion & Protection Agency, Anambra State Action Commission on AIDS (ANSACA), Christian Pilgrims Board, Muslim Pilgrims Board, Anambra State Small Business Agency (ASBA), Greater Onitsha Development Agency and the Greater Nnewi Development Agency, whereas these agencies should belong to requisite ministries, while the office of the governor is saddled with developmental concerns.
On the social sector, Soludo’s administration allocates a paltry annual purse of N175,000 for the upkeep of each secondary school in the state, which translates to less than N60,000 per term, and may be the reason some principals got tempted to request fees from students.
The plight of 656 health centre in the state are more pitiable as most receive N140,000 per year, which is about N11,667 per month, may be to fuel generators and other expenditures. The Orumba General Hospital is allocated N105,000.
The Anambra State should be more realistic in funds allocation to ensure that meager funds do not stifle essential institutions.
Anambra’s 21 local councils that draw a total monthly federal allocation of over N8 billion, continue to be ruled by illegal Transition Committee Chairmen appointed by the governor, thus denying the State of political tutelage at the council levels that groom vibrant politicians to the national level, while Anambra State Independent Electoral Commisson lies idle with allocation of N197,301,110.40.
As for roads construction, the governor may have done well, with the Ekwulobia on-going project standing most prominent, but what is on ground across the State lags far behind expectations. It took him two years to deliver his flagship campaign promise at Okpoko in Onitsha, combined with a re-election fever, to deliver the Okpunoeze road at Nnewi, probably out of wariness of the Senator Ifeanyi Ubah factor. Governor Soludo almost turned the road commissioning at Nnewi into a campaign ground.
In a country where politicians envision themselves as construction project management officers, road works, however inappropriate, have become the be-all-of- the-average. But for a professor of economics, who had sat at the vintage position of a Central Bank governor, where the impacts of policies and big industries are clearly understood, there are far bigger development expectations for which Soludo’s coming sounded messianic.
While his tax administration reforms are commendable, the brigandage of the Ocha Brigade and ANJET, who enforce tax drives, are eliciting sorrowful tales from the masses, especially road transport drivers. Insecurity remains a terror in the State. Meanwhile, in less than nine months, Alex Otti of Abia State has initiated rapid ‘positive disruptions’ as Soludo likes to coin it, and capped it with Geometric Power’s 24-hour of electricity in Aba, a project worth $800 million. In Imo State, Seplat Energy and Nigeria Gas Infrastructure Company (NGIC) are rounding-up a $700 million ANOH Gas Processing Plant, while Shell/NNPC is completing a $3.5 billion Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben OB3 gas pipeline network, despite insecurity, to link the Escravos-Lagos pipeline system. The revenue that would accrue to Imo State when it comes onstream far outweighs what Anambra gets harassing struggling transporters. Moreso, Shell has just empowered youths from the host communities of Assa, Ochia, Awarra, Obile, Avu, Obissima, Obuomadike, Ununwaku, Ohoba, Obitti and Umuapu, who graduated from its one-year training. Road construction and contracts in Imo would be usual community development accompaniments.
While the rat-race for revenue drives continues in Anambra, the State sits on 50 billion barrels of crude oil reserve, and 10 trillion cubic feet of gas awaiting development, out of its seven gas acreages, only two are being minimally tapped. Vested interests bind State-owned Orient Petroleum Plc with inept partners, First Modular Gas Systems Ltd, in ways that may have repelled big Oil and Gas players like Seplat Energy whose major shareholder, Dr. ABC Orjiako, is from Anambra State, and Mr. Emeka Offor’s Chrome Group, whose Interstate Electric Company Ltd are stakeholders in Enugu Electricity Distribution Company (EEDC) and the Alaoji Power Plant. It is obvious, the State has the human resources to develop its potentials, but needs prudent leadership.
Anambra, home to the Innoson Car Assembly plant, industries and businesses that are suffocating under poor electricity, needs visionary managers that draw down greater benefits, even if they do not forego salaries.
By: Joseph Nwankwo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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