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Dimensions To Nigeria’s Food Crisis

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Going by statements credited to Nigeria’s Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima, that “some people are working to undermine the efforts of the President Bola Tinubu administration”, especially with regard to the rapidly rising costs of food items across the country, one begins to worry if the trend of economic difficulties that began since 2015, will ever be reversed, or at least be halted. 2015 was the year the All Progressives Congress party took over governance in Nigeria, led by former President Muhammadu Buhari.According to national media reports, Vice President Shettima had used the opportunity at a conference on Public Wealth Management which held in Abuja, to reveal the discovery of “32 illegal routes,” in Illela Local Government Area (LGA) of Sokoto state, through which smugglers freight commodities out of the country. The VP also disclosed that “45 trucks loaded with maize were intercepted while making their way to neighbouring countries at midnight on Sunday.”
While the discovery of 32 smuggling routes in one Local Government Area, (LGA) of Sokoto state alone is startling, it is disheartening to realise that the state has five other border LGAs where similar things happen – Gudu, Tangaza, Gada, Sabon Birni and Isa – and worse still, considering that apart from Sokoto, states like Kebbi, Zamfara, Katsina, Jigawa, Yobe and Borno all lie along Nigeria’s porous 1,608km border with Niger. The interception of 45 trucks in just a night in one LGA, makes unimaginable the enormity of the number of truckloads of food items leaving this country daily.The unpatriotic priority of supplying Niger Republic, even at the risk of smuggling across terrorist-infested borders, against pressing domestic demands, is another reason for concern, and puts to scrutiny the efficiency and patriotism of our border control personnel towards implementing extant government policies. How long has this been going on, or was it a recent development?
Or was it the result of calculated distraction from political antagonists to frustrate the present administration, as the VP tried to paint it? His picture looks appealing when correlated with the recent spike in the price of cement, especially. But how come it was the vice president who stole the show of making the revelation public, instead of the intercepting agencies? It is expected that the federal agencies whose duty it is to secure borders should have been proud to parade and announce such achievements to showcase the essence of their establishment. And from Mr Vice President, who went short of naming the culprits, but rather alluded to “knowing the consequences of revealing the masquerade”, many would have preferred he damned those consequences by revealing particulars, otherwise many are tempted to perceive him as merely propagandising facts in the face of a national crisis.
However, while pondering the above worries, it would be worthwhile to review the changing political and economic landscapes inside and outside Nigeria since 2015, to find out factors that might have been at play. Hitherto, Nigeria had enjoyed free, cross-border movements of goods and persons with Cameroon, Chad and with its Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) neighbours up until May 2015, when President Muhammadu Buhari came to power. These movements supported transverse trades up to Mali, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic and as far as Lybia. By July of 2015 the Buhari’s administration, poised to enforce home-grown production, had imposed cross-border restrictions, a situation that became more stringent following the COVID-19 pandemic lock-downs of 2020.
On the other hand, nationalist uprising in eastern Cameroon from 2016 culminated to the 2019 Ambazonian separatist movement that ever since, pitched the ‘amba boys’ in gorilla warfare with Cameroonian authorities. Buhari’s government corresponded with Cameroon to tighten border restrictions on both sides. For every step of restriction, commodity prices responded in increase, both in Nigeria and across the borders, increasing the inducement for smuggling, no thanks to porous borders and the usual “pay and pass” atmosphere. Border bribes get higher with restrictions, reflecting on costs as goods flow across. Nigeria, being a huge source of farm products, and for a long time a source of subsidised petroleum products, fed scarcities that intensified many miles off its borders. Accompanying and aiding smuggling was heightened islamists influx into Nigeria from the Sahel.
Greater numbers of maraudering Islamist gangs from Mali, Niger, Chad and the Central African Republic, acting either criminally on their own, or on brotherhood solidarities in the ethno-religious, farmers-herders or political conflicts in Nigeria, attack and plunder agricultural settlements. It has degenerated to current general insecurity, spate of kidnappings, and rapidly rising food prices. The spread of inflation across border was aided by the coup of August 18, 2020 in Mali, to which ECOWAS responded with economic sanctions. Mali with no direct border with Nigeria, has short connections through south-western Niger Republic. The overall game changer dawned since February 24, 2022 with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, followed by October last year’s out-break of Israel vs Hamas war in the Middle East. Ever since, global supply chains of grains, energy and raw materials have remained disrupted, shooting up everything from transportation costs to the value of foreign currencies.
Subsidy removal shocks on Nigeria’s poor transportation infrastructure, a sector daily threatened by insecurity, meant it was becoming more expensive to businesses in the north, compared to shorter cross-border routes which, in addition present prospects of higher gains. This becomes more obvious considering that the distance from Gboko in Benue to Bamenda in Cameroon is 443.7 Km, while from same Gboko to Lagos it is 795.9 Km, and 538.5 Km to Port Harcourt. Yola in Adamawa to Touruo in Cameroon is 229.5 Km, but it is 879.1 Km to Calabar and a staggering 1,327.4 Km to Lagos. Meanwhile, Illela in Sokoto can be crossed on bike or donkey into Birnin Konni, 5Km into Niger Republic, while the distance from Kano to Maradi in Niger is 268.2 Km, Kano to Abuja, 432 Km, and 992.2 Km to Lagos. Birnin Kebbi in Nigeria is 395.6 Km to Niger’s capital, Niamey, while being 658.4 Km off Nigeria’s, Abuja. In fact, smugglers utilise shorter segments, like in case of Illela to Konni, for higher round-trips.
According to reports, the amount of cross-border trades currently going-on across the Niger border is to the tune of N13 billion weekly, on items ranging from kusus, local flour, onions, tomatoes, pepper, potatoes, millet, maize, rice, jewelries to livestock, from which Nigeria losses revenues. The juntas in Niamey and Bamako, for all their militantness and recent pull-out from ECOWAS, let the illicit trades thrive. All these put together, it is easy to figure out the underlying factors to Nigeria’s economic woes, and to relate patterns with insecurity – Nigeria’s very porous borders have become more attractive in the face of rising haulage costs, as much as agro-production outputs are declining due to insecurity.The situation therefore calls for drastic measures to curb insecurity, transportation costs and smuggling, while massively investing in production. Even if it takes the tactics of ancient cities whose domains had to be walled-off with fortifications to achieve internal control and protection.
Yes, the flux across Nigeria’s 1,608 Km porous border with Niger Republic can, and should be checked with perimeter fortifications punctuated with approved access stations, and manned with surveillance technologies. Nigeria should also do same along its 809 Km border with Benin Republic and the 1,975 Km with Cameroon. With security concerns now gulping over N3.2 trillion in the 2024 national budget, a trillion Naira out of that bulk would fortify more than one flank of the borders to give our security personnel, beset by attack-and-withdrawal terrorists, a better chance at ending insecurity, and the border agencies, no excuses in discharging duties.

Joseph Nwankwo

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Opinion

Policy Intervention: More Than Administrative Reform  

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Quote:”This policy intervention proves that education reform is not just about administration, but about restoring dignity, equity, and integrity to the learning process.”
On September 24, 2025, the article” A Growing Emergency: How Marked-Up Textbooks Are Sabotaging Nigeria’s School Children”, written by King Onunwo, was published in The Tide Newspaper. In the said article, the writer expressed pains in what he viewed as ‘a silent but damaging practice’  taking root in homes across Nigeria,  one that threatens the academic future of millions of children in primary and secondary schools. From the paintings of the writer,  this seemingly minor convenience where older siblings complete their homeworks directly inside their school textbooks, may seem  harmless on the surface. On the contrary, it is creating a dangerous ripple effect. What used to be a normal practice—siblings reusing textbooks year after year to ease the financial burden on families—has now turned into a nightmare. The writer could best describe its impact in our educational system as a stumbling block for students, and a ticking time bomb for the education system and to say the least, a  source of distress for countless parents.
The core message of the article is that writing homework and classwork inside textbooks has evolved from a harmless household habit into a national educational crisis that is quietly undermining learning outcomes in Nigeria. Specifically, the article argues that: marked-up textbooks sabotage learning by denying younger students the opportunity to think independently, practice problem-solving, and engage meaningfully with lessons. Economic hardship has normalized textbook reuse, but misuse has turned a cost-saving strategy into an educational disadvantage. The problem is systemic, not merely individual, reflecting failures in policy enforcement, public awareness, and educational support structures. Hence, government’s intervention is urgently required, including regulations, awareness campaigns, textbook audits, penalties, and subsidized writing materials.
Violation of education equity  was also fingered as children are academically punished due to circumstances beyond their control—birth order and family income. King Onunwo opined that small oversights can cause large-scale damage, and ignoring such “minor” issues threatens Nigeria’s broader educational goals. Ultimately, he   called for a national textbook integrity policy to protect learning materials and ensure fairness in education. Deductively, the writer ‘s feelings and emotional tone  conveyed a deep concern and alarm, repeatedly framing  the issue as a “growing emergency,” “ticking time bomb,” and “quiet academic crisis.” which signals a genuine fear  that the problem if unchecked, may have irreversible consequences.
The writer ‘s tone is outrightly that of an advocate, not a neutral observer,  speaking with a strong sense of justice, emphasizing on  education  as  a right, meaning that children should not be academically disadvantaged by family circumstances, hence, the need for society  to protect educational tools.The repeated calls for “immediate,” “urgent,” and “no time to waste” action showed impatience with delays and excuses. The writer believes every academic term lost worsens the damage. It is not just about textbooks—it is about educational dignity, equality, and systemic responsibility. The closing metaphor (“the handwriting is on the wall”) reinforces the writer’s belief that the consequences are already visible and that failure to act would be inexcusable. By responding decisively to growing concerns around the misuse and rising cost of learning materials, the Federal Government has demonstrated that thoughtful advocacy still matters—and that public interest writing can indeed influence policy in meaningful ways.
The recently unveiled education policy banning disposable workbooks and mandating the use of durable, reusable textbooks is a commendable step in the right direction. It directly addresses the very issues raised by King Onunwo and other concerned writers and parents who have long warned about the silent damage being done to Nigeria’s school children through poorly designed textbook practices and unchecked misuse of learning materials. For years, families—especially those with multiple children—have struggled under the weight of repeated textbook purchases. Worse still, the culture of writing directly into textbooks turned what should have been reusable learning tools into single-use items, sabotaging younger siblings who inherited books already filled with answers, errors, and confusion. The new policy does not merely reduce costs; it restores the integrity of textbooks as reference materials meant to guide thinking, not replace it.
By insisting on standardized, high-quality textbooks designed to last four to six years, the government has effectively validated the core argument of education advocates: that sustainability, affordability, and quality learning are deeply interconnected. The decision to prohibit the bundling of disposable workbooks—often used as a commercial tactic to force annual purchases—is particularly laudable. It signals a shift away from profit-driven educational practices toward child-centered learning. Equally important is the policy’s emphasis on strengthening assessment and quality assurance for instructional materials. This tackles another long-standing problem: superficial textbook revisions that compel parents to buy “new editions” without meaningful improvements in content. Such practices have eroded trust in the system and placed unnecessary financial strain on households already stretched thin.
Beyond textbooks, the introduction of a uniform academic calendar and the rationalization of graduation ceremonies show a broader sensitivity to the hidden costs of schooling. These reforms recognize that education expenses are not limited to fees alone but are compounded by traditions and inconsistencies that quietly drain family resources. This policy intervention is more than administrative reform; it is proof that government can listen, reflect, and act when issues are clearly articulated and grounded in lived realities. It affirms the value of public-interest writing as a bridge between citizens’ experiences and policy action.While implementation and enforcement will be the true test, the direction is encouraging. Parents, teachers, and school administrators must now play their part to ensure that these reforms translate into real change in classrooms across the country.
In acknowledging and addressing the concerns raised by writers, educators, and families, the government has taken a vital step toward protecting the learning future of Nigerian children. It is a reminder that when the handwriting on the wall is read early enough, it is still possible to rewrite the story—for the better.However, kudos to Federal Government for the intervention, but it should not end on the table rather should be given accelerated attention in order to ensure full implementation.
By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
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Opinion

Redefining New Year Resolutions 

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Quote: “Transformation begins the moment intention meets action.”
At the dawn of a new year and throughout its early days, millions of people across the globe make promises to themselves—to improve, to grow, and to transform. The New Year carries a unique sense of renewal, hope, and possibility. It offers a clean slate on which aspirations are rewritten and goals are redefined. But beyond the excitement and optimism lies an important question: what truly gives power to these resolutions, and how can they be sustained to positively impact individuals, families, and teams?
New Year resolutions emerge from different platforms, perspectives, and points of need. For many, the focus is personal growth—acquiring new skills, practicing mindfulness, improving physical health, or cultivating emotional resilience. Others prioritize relationships, seeking to strengthen bonds with family and friends, heal broken connections, or build new ones. Career development also ranks high, with goals such as professional advancement, job transitions, skill enhancement, or entrepreneurship. Financial stability—saving money, paying off debt, investing wisely—remains a major concern, while some individuals turn to creativity, exploring new hobbies, talents, or artistic pursuits.
Regardless of the resolution, a clear roadmap is essential. Transformation begins with reflection—understanding personal values, clarifying what truly matters, and identifying the change one desires to see. This process often involves shedding unproductive habits and mindsets to create room for growth. Setting specific and achievable goals, then breaking them into manageable tasks, increases the likelihood of success. Equally important is establishing an accountability system—whether through self-monitoring, trusted partners, or structured reviews—to sustain commitment over time.
New Year resolutions embody the power of intentional living. They allow individuals and groups to pause, evaluate past actions, and consciously chart a new course. When intentions are clearly defined, it becomes easier to identify growth areas, develop a realistic plan, maintain motivation, cultivate healthy habits, and strengthen relationships. Setting SMART goals—Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Relevant, and Time-bound—ensures that resolutions are practical and purposeful rather than vague aspirations. In addition, prioritizing self-care enables the mind, body, and soul to function optimally, providing the stamina needed for long-term success.
Many resolutions require learning something new—whether acquiring professional skills, developing hobbies, or broadening intellectual capacity. For personal growth, this may include learning a new language, reading more books, or gaining knowledge that enhances competence and confidence. Involving family members in shared goals strengthens bonds and encourages collective responsibility. Regular family activities, open communication, shared meals, and intentional time together help instill values such as kindness, empathy, discipline, and accountability.
Career-focused resolutions may involve enrolling in online courses or certification programs, improving digital literacy, or networking with professionals in the same field. Financial growth requires discipline—creating and adhering to a budget, building a savings plan, investing wisely, and paying off debt systematically. When creativity or leisure is the focus, starting a journal or blog, learning an instrument, engaging in arts and crafts, or pursuing writing can be both fulfilling and therapeutic.
For families and teams, resolutions foster unity and shared purpose. When goals are collectively set and pursued, they promote collaboration, trust, and mutual support. Teams that align their resolutions with shared values experience improved productivity, morale, and accountability. Clear communication, regular progress reviews, and celebrating small wins reinforce commitment and sustain momentum throughout the year.
However, common pitfalls must be avoided. Unrealistic expectations often lead to discouragement and failure; goals should be challenging yet attainable. A lack of planning or strategy undermines even the best intentions, while poor accountability increases the risk of giving up prematurely. To make resolutions stick, it is important to track progress using journals, planners, or digital tools; celebrate milestones; remain patient with setbacks; and review goals periodically to adjust when necessary.
As the year unfolds, may our goals, hopes, and resolutions inspire meaningful change. Resolutions are not merely seasonal rituals—they are journeys of growth and discipline. With intentional planning, focused action, and collective effort, individuals, families, and teams can thrive, transform, and make lasting strides toward a better future.
By: Nneka Amaechi-Nnadi
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Opinion

Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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