Opinion

63 Years Of Electricity Mirage

Published

2 years ago

October 4, 2023

Reliable electric power supply has remained an elusive mirage for millions of Nigerians, as well being a major factor underlying Nigeria’s economic woes. There is no prosperous nation, despite it’s natural endowments and strategic location on the globe, that is not backed by a robust power sector. Series of past Nigerian leaders appeared to champion national industrialisation. Apparently, they were not oblivious of the fact that industrialisation runs on the backbone of sufficient, steady, or predictable, electricity. Their past posturings notwithstanding, industrialisation has remained elusive while electricity for basic household uses remains a prayer point for most Nigerians, 62 years after colonial independence. According to reports, electricity power generation in Nigeria began in 1886 when two generating sets were installed to serve the then colony of Lagos while later in 1951, the Electricity Corporation of Nigeria (ECN) was established by an Act of Parliament. Shortly after Independence in 1962, the Niger Dams Authority (NDA) was established for the development of hydroelectric power.
Ten years later in 1972, both ECN and NDA were merged into the infamous the National Electric Power Authority, NEPA with the responsibility of generating, transmitting and distributing electricity across Nigeria. Similar to most post-independence government establishments, NEPA’s failures ranked those of the defunct NITEL and the Nigerian Airways. 32 years later, during the Olusegun Obasanjo – led civilian administration’s privatisation drives in 2004, NEPA was privatised into government-owned Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN). As if there was something ominous about the phrase ‘Power Holding’ in PHCN which still held the free flow of electricity, PHCN was quickly unbundled, following an Electric Power Sector Reform (EPSR) Act of March 2005, to enable private companies participate in electricity generation, transmission, and distribution, in a wave of reforms that also swept off poorly performing NITEL. The Act also created the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) as an independent regulator for the energy sector.
The PHCN was unbundled into eleven electricity Distribution Companies (DisCos), six Generating Companies (GenCos), and a Transmission Company (TCN). Unfortunately, while the federal government privatised the GenCos and DisCos, it retained ownership of the TCN which then stood as a stifling bottleneck to both the production and consumption ends in the electricity business, by ‘holding’ central monopoly as the sole receiver of all generated electricity from the GenCos and the sole suppler to the DisCos, whereas government should have been only a regulator via the NERC, or at most an equal competitor like MTEL in the telecoms sector. It is therefore noteworthy that its the participation of government via TCN in the electricity business processes that holds the flow of power. Is it not abnormal that the TCN which does not bear the business risks nor benefits of investing in electricity generation or distribution infrastructure, solely manages electricity transmission network in the country? What is the stake of the TCN, and what motivates its priorities?
It is no wonder the TCN has not done the much needed overhaul of its inherited, dilapidated transmission infrastructure. As the energy sector continues to slumber in Nigeria, it is imperative to compare Nigeria with its African peers. According to the US Energy Information Administration’s 1980 – 2021 energy survey, most populous African nation, Nigeria with a population of over 220 million ranks 5th in energy production capacity at 11.7 Gigawatts, behind much less populated South Africa at 63.28 Gigawatts, serving a 60.41 million population, followed closely by Egypt at 60.07 Gigawatts, serving 112.7 million persons, Algeria at 21.69 Gigawatts for 48.6 million persons, and Morocco at 14.26 Gigawatts which serves 37.84 million persons.Nigeria ranks far lower if the comparison is computed on energy per head basis, where Libya which produces 10.53 Gigawatts for a 6.9 million population supplies over 1500 watts per head, Nigeria in comparison, supplies a paltry 52.18 watts per head. This is even lower, considering the actual power consumed due to transmission inefficiency, and the epileptic, unpredictable nature of our supply, unlike in West African neighbour, Ghana, where though production capacity is low at 5.35 Gigawatts for 34.12 million, the supply schedule is dependable to the extent that companies now exit Nigeria for Ghana due to power epilepsy, whereas their major markets remain in Nigeria.
Ghana is turning the Economic Commission of West African States’ free trade treaty to its advantage. Local businesses relocating to Ghana, a neighbouring country with stable electricity and a more business friendly environment, can produce and ship to countries within the ECOWAS free trade zone. In 2006, two of Nigeria’s leading tyre manufacturers, Michelin and Dunlop, relocated factories to Ghana citing epileptic energy supply in Nigeria as main reason. Other companies have since followed suit. The high unemployment rate, rapidly dwindling economy and a depreciating currency are some effects of these corporate decisions. South Africa and Botswana generate most of their electricity from coal to achieve more than 72 per cent universal electricity access in their respective countries, followed by Kenya and Senegal. Meanwhile Nigeria has rich coal and petroleum energy resources among others, that could be applied to boost its energy mix.
While the industrialised world has used fossil energy to hone their technologies to levels where universal electricity access through clean and renewable energy resources are now achievable, Nigeria would find it more difficult to use its fossils when global environmental conditions become critical, and may emerge as an old-fashioned polluter when, and IF, it does wake up. Considering that privatisation of the energy sector was a laudable reform, it emerged with a faulty structural constrictions posing as the TCN, which has knotted operators into a circle of vicious blame traders, whereas the much-needed commodity is kilowatt-hours. It is very obvious that the model of the reform structure that emerged in the telecoms sector would have been more appropriate as witnessed in the rapid transformations that followed the unbundling of NITEL, where government’s regulatory agency, the National Communications Commission, stood away from the daily operational processes of MTN, Econet, Glo and government-owned MTEL, enabling these operators to have end-to-end control of production, distribution and sales, as well as being able to solely pursue priorities that drive company objectives.
The manifesting benefits became outstanding, and transformational in proportions no one ever imagined. It is to the credit of Nigeria that these telecom companies, while competing to serve Nigerians, gained the enabling capacities that made them big international players. A vibrant energy company in Nigeria should have the enablement to independently plan its strategy, source its fuel, generate electricity, and distribute electricity directly to its consumers while NERC devises the appropriate energy metering modality and service ethics. It would be to the nation’s advantage if energy firms operate in a competitive environment by not allotting them exclusive coverage areas, a monopoly that breeds complacency. NERC should devise a means by which these firms run supply lines side by side in every part of Nigeria they have the capacity to operate. As every business is driven by profits and customer base, a company’s ability to control its business processes amidst competition, would enable it see the potentials that spur it towards innovations and expansion. Nigeria’s energy sector continues to slumber in the absence of total, private process control and free competition.

By: Joseph Nwankwo

Opinion

NDDC: Time To Illuminate Homes

Published

2 days ago

March 2, 2026

The Tide

Quote:“Twenty-five years on, the Niger Delta cannot celebrate illuminated streets while families sit in darkness. Development must begin inside the home — where children study, businesses grow, and lives are built — before it glows on the roadside.”

The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was established in 2000 with a clear and urgent mandate: to facilitate the rapid, even, and sustainable development of Nigeria’s oil-producing Niger Delta region. The creation of the Commission followed decades of agitation over environmental degradation, infrastructural neglect, and socio-economic marginalization in the region. Its core mandate included the development of roads, bridges, electricity, water supply, health facilities, education, housing, environmental remediation, and economic empowerment initiatives. At inception, expectations were high that the Commission would transform the Niger Delta into a model of regional development. Over the years, the NDDC has indeed implemented numerous projects across the nine Niger Delta states. Roads have been constructed and rehabilitated in several communities, easing transportation challenges.

Schools have been renovated, and new classroom blocks have been provided in underserved areas. Health centres have been built or upgraded, improving access to primary healthcare services. The Commission has also awarded scholarships to students, including foreign postgraduate scholarships, empowering thousands of youths academically.Skills acquisition and youth empowerment programmes have helped many young people gain vocational competencies.Through various interventions, the NDDC has contributed to job creation and local economic stimulation.Solar-powered street lighting projects have been widely implemented in urban and semi-urban communities. These streetlights have improved visibility at night and contributed to enhanced security in some areas. Markets, highways, and public spaces illuminated by solar lights have experienced extended business hours.

For these efforts, the Commission deserves acknowledgment and commendation. However, development must always align with foundational mandates and pressing grassroots realities. A growing concern among residents is that while streets are illuminated, many homes remain in darkness. Rural electrification and household power access remain inconsistent and inadequate across large parts of the region. In riverine and remote communities, families still rely on generators, kerosene lamps, or complete darkness after sunset. The irony of brightly lit streets juxtaposed with powerless homes cannot be ignored. Electricity at the household level directly impacts education, health, and small-scale enterprise. Students cannot effectively study at night without reliable indoor lighting.Families cannot preserve food or power essential appliances without stable electricity.

Micro and small businesses struggle to grow without dependable energy access. While street lighting enhances public aesthetics and security, it does not substitute for domestic electrification. The proverb “charity begins at home” is especially relevant in this context. True community development must first empower households before beautifying public spaces. The Commission’s original mandate emphasizes integrated and sustainable development, not isolated infrastructural gestures. Balanced development requires that energy interventions prioritize homes alongside streets. Solar technology presents a unique opportunity for decentralized household electrification in off-grid communities. Extending solar solutions to individual homes would have a transformative social impact. Home-based solar systems could power lights, fans, small appliances, and communication devices.

Such interventions would reduce poverty, improve living standards, and stimulate grassroots productivity. By broadening its energy focus, the Commission would better reflect the spirit of its founding legislation. This is not a call to abandon street lighting projects, which have their merits. Rather, it is an appeal for balance, inclusivity, and alignment with core developmental objectives. Strategic planning should ensure that rural electrification and household access form a central pillar of ongoing interventions. Community engagement and needs assessments can help determine priority areas for household solar deployment. Twenty-five years after its establishment, the NDDC stands at a reflective moment in its institutional journey. The people of the Niger Delta say: thank you for the efforts so far—but not very much—because true appreciation will come when development begins at home and radiates outward, not merely when streets shine while houses remain in darkness.

By: King Onunwor

Opinion

When Democracy Becomes Too Expensive

Published

2 days ago

March 2, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “When elections become investments to be recovered, governance turns transactional and the moral foundation of democracy begins to erode.”

The high cost of participating in politics in Nigeria remains a serious and growing concern. The trend is rising so sharply that democratic competition increasingly risks becoming the preserve of a wealthy few. From exorbitant party nomination fees to campaign logistics, media exposure, litigation expenses, and regulatory charges such as the proposed ?150 million campaign advertising permit reportedly introduced in Enugu under Governor Peter Mbah, the financial barriers to public office are steadily hardening. If not addressed, this trajectory could erode inclusion, weaken electoral credibility, and deepen corruption within the political system.

Money has always played a role in politics. Elections require funding for mobilisation, communication and administration, while political parties need resources to organise primaries and reach voters across the nation’s diverse terrain. However, when financial demands become excessive, they cease to be necessities and instead become structural barriers that exclude capable citizens from participation.

The Enugu situation provides a troubling case study. Reports indicate that the Enugu State Structures for Signage and Advertisement Agency (ENSSAA) announced a mandatory ?150 million advertising permit fee for parties and candidates participating in the 2026 local government and 2027 general elections. According to the agency’s General Manager, Francis Aninwike, the fee would permit deployment of campaign materials — banners, branded vehicles, T-shirts and handbills — and street rallies, with sanctions for non-compliance.

One is compelled to ask: how can someone vying for office be required to pay ?150 million merely as an advertising permit, separate from nomination forms and other logistics? Where would a civil servant, a teacher earning N70,000 minimum wage, or a young graduate eager to serve find such a sum? How can ordinary citizens compete in a system demanding such staggering outlays?

An opposition party has described the steep fee as a ploy by the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Enugu State to stifle opposition participation. Whether sustained or not, the perception is damaging. Aside from incumbents or those backed by powerful interests, how many candidates can realistically afford ?150 million solely for advertising clearance?

There is no dispute that state agencies have legitimate responsibilities. Regulating outdoor advertising and preventing visual pollution are valid objectives. However, such regulation should not come at a heavy cost to Nigeria’s fragile democracy. The Aninwike-led ENSSAA and similar bodies must recognise that while regulation is necessary, affordability is essential for democratic participation.

The constitutional framework recognises the central role of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in ensuring free and fair elections. Yet formal administration is only part of the democratic equation. Informal financial pressures — delegate inducements, media monetisation, security logistics and post-election litigation — already multiply the cost of contesting beyond official limits. Massive campaign-related fees further compound an expensive process.

Recent findings presented at a policy engagement organised by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy in Abuja underscored the gravity of the situation. House of Representatives Minority Leader Kingsley Chinda warned that Nigerian politics is becoming an elite preserve in which only those with deep pockets can compete. Access to vast financial resources, he argued, has become a near precondition for political viability, transforming what should be a civic right into an expensive venture.

He noted that politics in Nigeria has been thoroughly monetised, systematically pricing out women, youth and persons with disabilities — the very groups policy frameworks claim to uplift.

The implications are disturbing. In a context where elections are viewed as investments, public office becomes a site of capital recovery. Contracts are inflated, appointments monetised, and governance turns transactional. What emerges is a vicious cycle: only the wealthy can contest, and once in office, they seek to recoup their investment, deepening public cynicism and eroding the moral basis of governance.

Although some parties waived nomination fees for women in 2017 and 2023, and parties such as the Young Progressive Party were formed to promote youth participation, exorbitant campaign expenditures continue to sideline many aspirants. Women accounted for only about 8.4 per cent of candidates in the 2023 general elections, with similarly low youth representation.

The cumulative effect is dangerous. When political entry is determined primarily by financial capacity rather than competence or vision, the recruitment pool narrows drastically. Talented professionals and grassroots organisers may never appear on ballots simply because they cannot afford the price of entry. A system that filters out merit while rewarding wealth weakens governance outcomes.

Nigeria must therefore treat rising electoral costs not as routine complaints but as democratic stability concerns. Political parties should drastically reduce nomination fees, especially for women, youth and persons with disabilities. Transparent fundraising and spending disclosures should replace opaque financing structures.

Regulatory agencies must balance administrative control with democratic openness. Campaign advertising fees should be proportionate and structured in ways that do not create artificial barriers. INEC and other enforcement institutions must strengthen monitoring of spending ceilings and apply meaningful sanctions for violations.

Civil society, the media and professional bodies also have critical roles to play. Public discourse should prioritise issue-based campaigns rather than money-driven spectacle.

Ultimately, democracy thrives not merely when elections are conducted, but when they are genuinely accessible. Political participation must remain a civic right, not a luxury commodity. Nigeria’s democratic journey cannot afford to drift into a system where leadership selection depends primarily on financial muscle rather than merit and service.

By: Calista Ezeaku

Opinion

Righteous Leadership Still Thrives

Published

1 week ago

February 23, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “Institutional decay is not irreversible when integrity and action sit at the helm.”

In every institution, there comes a defining moment when leadership either deepens decline or inspires rebirth. For the Rivers State Newspaper Corporation (Publishers of The Tide), that defining moment arrived when the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Information, Sir. Honour Sirawoo Ph.D, came to share the premises with the Staff of The Corporation due to the ongoing renovation work at the State Secretariat. For years, the physical condition of the corporation mirrored the uncertainty that hung in the air. Leaking roofs told silent stories during the rainy season, damaged floors bore the weight of neglect, and the once vibrant environment seemed to plead for urgent attention. Staff members worked under conditions that tested both resilience and commitment. Buckets placed strategically to catch dripping water became a routine sight at some quarters, while cracked tiles and weathered walls diminished the pride that should accompany service in a state-owned media institution.

Yet, in the midst of these challenges, hope was not entirely lost. There remained a collective belief that with purposeful leadership, restoration was possible. That hope found expression when Honour Sirawoo Ph.D., Permanent Secretary in the Rivers State Ministry of Information, assumed as a co-occupier. His arrival was quiet, but his impact would soon resonate loudly across the premises.Leadership, it is often said, is not about occupying an office but about occupying responsibility. From his earliest inspections of the corporation’s facilities, it became evident that he saw not just buildings in disrepair, but a workforce deserving of dignity.The transformation began swiftly. Contractors appeared on site. Assessments were carried out with precision. Plans were not merely announced; they were implemented. Leaking roofs that had long defied repair were carefully amended.

For the first time in years, staff could listen to rainfall without anxiety. Damaged floors were reconstructed, restoring both safety and aesthetics. Walking through the corridors no longer required cautious navigation around broken surfaces. The fencing of the premises, once a pressing security concern, became a priority. A properly secured environment now speaks of order, responsibility, and foresight. General maintenance, often overlooked in public institutions, was institutionalized. From structural reinforcements to aesthetic upgrades, the corporation began to wear a new look. But beyond bricks and mortar, something deeper changed. Morale improved. Staff productivity increased. The psychological boost of working in a conducive environment cannot be overstated. The transformation has not merely been cosmetic; it has been cultural.

Workers now speak with renewed pride about their workplace. Visitors to the premises have noticed the difference. The once tired-looking structures now stand as testimony to what decisive leadership can accomplish. In governance, righteousness is reflected in fairness, diligence, and a genuine concern for people. These virtues have characterized the stewardship of Honour Sirawoo Ph.D.His approach demonstrates that public office is a sacred trust, not a ceremonial title. He has shown that administrative leadership can be both compassionate and result-driven.The improvements at the corporation align with a broader vision of strengthening information dissemination in Rivers State. A vibrant media institution is essential for democratic growth.By restoring the physical infrastructure of The Tide, he has indirectly strengthened the voice of the state. Journalists and editors now operate in an atmosphere that encourages excellence.

It is often said that environment influences output. The recent editions and renewed energy within the newsroom reflect this truth. When righteous leadership prevails, systems respond positively. Accountability replaces complacency, and progress becomes measurable. Honour Sirawoo Ph.D. has exemplified a leadership style rooted in integrity and practical action. He did not merely acknowledge problems; he confronted them. Such commitment deserves recognition beyond routine commendation. It speaks to a capacity for higher responsibilities within the state’s administrative architecture. Rivers State stands at a critical juncture where visionary administrators are needed across ministries and agencies. Leaders who understand that development begins with attention to detail are invaluable. The transformation at the Rivers State Newspaper Corporation serves as a case study in responsive governance. It proves that institutional decay is not irreversible.

Higher positions of trust demand proven competence, moral uprightness, and administrative foresight. In these respects, Honour Sirawoo Ph.D. has demonstrated remarkable readiness. His performance suggests suitability not only for continued leadership within the Ministry of Information but also for broader strategic roles that shape state policy. Beyond the state, Nigeria’s public service landscape requires administrators who combine academic depth with practical efficiency. His credentials and achievements place him in that league. “When the righteous bear rule, the people rejoice” is more than a biblical aphorism; it is a lived experience within the corporation today. The chapter of the Holy Bible that declares, “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice”, (Proverbs 29:2), is a timeless reminder that good governance brings joy and stability to the people.

The joy of the staff is visible in their renewed dedication. The pride of ownership has returned. The institution breathes again. History often remembers leaders not for speeches but for tangible impact. The restored roofs, repaired floors, secured fences, and ongoing maintenance are enduring symbols of purposeful governance. The place started its journey to new looks with the arrival of the acting General Manager, Stella Gbaraba, who in her little way, initiated and executed some repair works in the premises. It will be worthy to point out that the duo are of the Ogoni extraction of the state, it is then safe to say that the combination is superb in that it has produced some excellent results. Importantly, the Permanent Secretary did not stop at The Tide Newspaper premises alone. His vision of renewal extended beyond a single institution to embrace all the State owned media houses under the ministry’s supervision.

At Rivers State Television, he executed massive renovation works that redefined the operational environment. Offices were upgraded, structural defects corrected, and modern standards restored to a facility that serves as a visual voice of the state. State-of-the-art office equipment were procured to enhance efficiency, ensuring that staff members could perform their duties with contemporary tools befitting a modern broadcast station. Radio Rivers too also got its own share of the Permanent Secretary’s benevolence and team spirit. Understanding the strategic importance of radio in grassroots communication, he ensured that critical infrastructure received attention. He provided them with steady power supply, reducing the interruptions that once hampered seamless broadcasting and ensuring consistency in programming delivery.

A functional Out Broadcast Van (OB Van) was made available, expanding the station’s capacity for live coverage of events across the state and beyond. The studios were upgraded to be up-to-date, improving sound quality, technical operations, and overall broadcast standards in line with modern expectations. Garden City Radio equally got its own touch in a superlative way. Renovation, equipment upgrades, and operational enhancements positioned the station on a stronger footing. Across the board, his interventions were not selective but comprehensive, reflecting a leadership philosophy anchored on inclusiveness and institutional strengthening. His target generally is to leave the State-owned media houses in a better shape than he met them. That objective is not rhetorical; it is practical and measurable in bricks, cables, studios, offices, and renewed human confidence.

By strengthening television, radio, and print under one coordinated vision, he has reinforced the information architecture of Rivers State. The cumulative effect of these interventions is a more vibrant, responsive, and professional state media system capable of meeting contemporary communication demands. As the Rivers State Newspaper Corporation along side its sister state-owned media houses continue their journey, it does so strengthened by the evidence that righteous leadership still thrives. And indeed, when the righteous bear rule, the people truly rejoice.

By: King Onunwor