Opinion
Qualified For Governor, According To Fashola
The spirit of entitlement is one devil that has hemmed Nigeria in on every side. While a particular group, sees high political offices in the land as their birthright, some individuals are quick to go to any length to make you see reasons why this electoral cycle is their turn to take over the reins of power after years of political toil.
The current Minister of Works and Housing, Babatunde Fashola, threw a jibe at the governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party in Lagos State, Abdulazeez Adediran, popularly known as Jandor, last week when he essentially referred to him as a mere cameraman. He said; “just following a governor, being a cameraman, watching me for eight years, you (Jandor) think you will now be a governor? You are not ready.” Really?
Even though Mr. Adeniran has debunked the idea that he was a cameraman in his response to the honourable minister, does it validate that position? So what qualifies a person for the position of the executive governor of a state in Nigeria? According to chapter 6, part 2, and section 177 of the 1999 constitution as amended, a person shall be qualified to be elected into the office of Governor of a State: (i) if he is a citizen of Nigeria by birth, (ii) if he has attained the age of 35 years (iii) if he is a member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party (iv) he has been educated to at least school certificate level or its equivalent. Of course, Mr. Adeniran is very qualified to seek to become the Boss of Lagos. So what is Mr. Fashola referring to?
Apparently, Mr. Fashola is referring to the mold he created for the Adenirans of this world. The perception that for the fact that you ever served under us, doing what could be considered a menial job, you are marked for life and barred from ascending any exulted office in the land, irrespective of your education and suitability to the office in question. This perception from the ruling class and its outgrowth is at the rot of the political not in the country. It is the fundamental reason why major political parties have remained recycling machines since 1999.
Instructively, as Minister of Works and Housing, Mr. Fashola must have received an engineering primer, good enough to educate him on the properties of recycled materials like metals especially. I believe he knows that recycled metal, for instance, decreases in the following six key properties of elongation, yield point or proof stress, soundness in the welding area, fracture toughness, and malleability. Could this be the reason why President Buhari has thoroughly failed in every relevant matrix?
Apart from a few newcomers, all the politicians who have ruled Nigeria since 1999 were part of the old guard of the late 1970s and the 1980s. The rest are either biological or their poetical offspring. That is why we hear things like the Yar ‘Adua political family of which the like of Atiku Abubakar, the Presidential Candidate of the PDP, and many others belong to. Mr. Fashola, being a bonafide member of the Bola Armed Tinubu political family, sees no place for cameramen with that high and lofty political genealogy.
What then is a democracy, if there is no equal opportunity to vote and be voted for? Mr. Fashola is a lawyer, therefore thoroughly learned, but I fear, he may have flunked history as a subject. Because, he ought to have remembered that in spite of all the academic heavyweights in the second republic, Mallam Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari, a Grade II teacher, became the first democratically elected President of Nigeria, after the transfer of power by the military head of state General Olusegun Obasanjo in 1979. But he was removed by a coup led by Major General Muhammadu Buhari on December 31, 1983. Ironically, this same Buhari has been in power for the past eight years activating poverty and destroying the nation.
Besides, I wonder if famous Liberian footballer, George Weah, might have either taken the offer of the US President or allowed Putin to have his way, just as he did in the annexation of Crimea, in 2014.
Bringing it back home, how far has the experience of those currently in power taken Nigeria? Very far, you might say; but in what direction? Since 1999 when the political parties activated the recycling machines, dishing out old politicians, what major thing has changed to the effect that whatever happens globally, the country is safe with, due to enduring shock absorbers that have been built over time? None.
Sadly, this is our current reality; a state of anomie where everything goes, so long as deeply entrenched vested interests are regularly paid. This system must end, and Nigeria must change. Party elders and power brokers should look at the heart of candidates, and not their political family. If Nigeria must survive, we must look at recruiting young leaders with hearts like President Zelensky of Ukraine; Leaders who would deny themselves for the sake of God and their country. These leaders are everywhere, but the greed and self-conceitedness of party leaders who have created a payback system to funnel young leaders molded in their image would rather die than allow it.
Party recruiters must pay serious attention to candidate quality; not just for the purpose of winning elections, but recruiting a diversity of potential leaders with credibility, competence, and the presence of mind to rise to the occasion in uncertain times. It is a cardinal duty of any political party to serve the nation in the best possible, and with the best possible human capital.
These crop of entitlement politicians pay allegiance, not to their state, or to the country at large, but to themselves and their master; and as a result, the nation suffers from a dearth of fresh ideas. The idea that only we or the people we mentored are qualified to rule is of the devil, and as a nation, we need to exorcise that devil once and for all so that fresh ideas to tackle our challenges could flow like a river.
By: Raphael Pepple
Opinion
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Opinion
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Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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