Opinion
Socrates As An Idiom
The obtuseness and hypocrisy of humans had long been recognised as plight which no human agency or law is in a position to change. Rather, the ailments have been portrayed under various guises, especially through literature, as providing some camouflage for the accommodation of other weaknesses, with vanity as a fuelling factor. Apuleius, author of an ancient book: The Golden Ass, gave some insight into the common flaws which humans must strive to check. Socrates, an ancient philosopher whose wisdom was commended by the Delphic oracle above that of all living men in his time, was sentenced to death, as spreading anti-social philosophy. It was by the treachery and jealousy of a wicked clique in Athenian politics and judiciary that he was found guilty of corrupting young people. He died by drinking the poisonous hemlock cup, which, like crucifixion, was the form of doing away with condemned criminals and public enemies. One young man who loved Socrates and his ideas, was heard as asking: “Are you surprised that judges are corrupt?”
The truth was that the philosophy of Socrates was directed towards bridling, rather than, inflaming the passions of young persons; questioning the status-quo and established opinions and belief system, rather than embrace blind faith. Like the more recent era of The Inquisition and religious persecution or dogmatism, the judicial murder of Socrates left an indelible stain on the reputation of Athenian politics and judiciary. There grew a wide-spread conviction that force, treachery and hypocrisy were ready instruments of maintaining the status-quo. To describe Socrates as an idiom is another way of saying that power is an asset whose custody provides the due for the judicial murder of Socrates as a philosopher of human happiness and well-being. Custody of power is synonymous with maintaining the status – quo which demands that radicalism should be kept in check, even through the use of force, treachery and corrupt means. So it was that when the radical influence of the philosophy of Socrates was considered to be an affront on prevailing power structure and belief system, it became necessary to check the “dangerousness of the radical philosopher”.
There were no lack of witnesses and hired agents of prevailing power structure to testify that questioning every issue or idea and putting them to the test of verification before accepting them as true, was a dangerous philosophy. That was how the radical philosophy of Socrates became a danger to society by corrupting young persons. That old strategy of hunting and putting a security tag on radical elements in society has not stopped, neither are the motives for such sneaky surveillance always noble. Especially with regard to the hunt for and custody of power, there is no limit to what power-merchants can do to see that they are not taken by surprises, via undue radicalism. Wole Soyinka would say that: “The man dies in all who keep silent in the face of tyranny … In any people that submit willingly to the daily humiliation of fear, the man dies”. Among the antics and strategy for holding on to power are the use of force and tyranny, where money and other means fail to achieve the goal of mass submission to power. Keeping the masses in a state of ignorance helps to keep them in a state of docility, such that any radical person or group waking them from slumber, becomes a security risk.
Socrates of Athens (469-399 B.C.) was a philosopher and a radical agent of change in society, whose goal was to induce people to think and make judgements for themselves, based on personal conviction. Adolf Hitler of Nazi Germany was to say many centuries after; “What Luck for rulers that men do not think.” Thus those who hustle for and hold power usually hold the opinion that “men do not think”, but can easily be swayed by material inducements, promises or threats. Thus the masses remain in bondage.Robert Ingersoll, a self-professed agnostic, in spite of his non-association with religious views of life, would say that “Free thought will give us truth. When all have the right to think and to express their thoughts, every brain will give the best it has”. From the earliest history of man, there has always been the tendency on the part of rulers in all fields of human activities, to prevent the masses from thinking for themselves and from expressing their thought freely. Thus radical agents of social change who challenge this suppression of freedom of thought and expression, have been regarded as capable of corrupting the masses, as Socrates was accused of.
After the sad death of their master and teacher, some pupils of Socrates considered it fit to preserve the cream and substance of the philosophy handed to them. One of such pupils was Plato. Because of the prejudice and tyranny of the clique and cabal that brought about the death of Socrates, Plato resorted to the use of idioms, parables and figurative styles to express the philosophy of his late teacher. One of Plato’s idioms was that humanity had reared a deadly and ambitious beast that would stop at nothing to ensure that no one is spared that is not willing to submit to it. When asked what that figurative beast was, Plato pointed a finger at his own head and said: that dangerous beast lurks within everyone, ready to destroy those who try to expose its strategies and antics. That idiomatic rendition of the philosophy of Socrates by Plato, became such an enigma that commentators on the works of Plato often skip or gloss over reference to “the dangerous beast lurking within”. Even in the modern times, little is known about the death of Socrates being an idiom for humanity: derailment!
The cup of hemlock that ended the life and teaching of Socrates of ancient Athens, is not different from the cross of crucifixion which sought to end the life and message of another “upstart in Nazareth”, about 500 years between the two events. People who take keen interest in the interpretations of idioms, parables, symbols, etc, would tell us that an ambitious, dangerous beast, has to do with the abuse and mis-use of power. Strength and power are two different resources. Late Ken Saro-Wiwa used to tell his friends that power in the hands of weak and immature people suffers abuses. When mad crowds join abusers of power, there is havoc. Leaving out the person of Socrates of ancient Athens alone, the idiom and message arising from his death, can serve as useful indicators that human beings have rarely changed over thousands of years. While many writers have pointed out, through their works, how power and positions have been abused in human history, there is hardly any indication that such abuses no longer occur. Methods and strategies may change, but the motives and key source of the venom remain enigmatic. What accounts for the obtuseness, hypocrisy, vanity and bestiality of humans?
By: Bright Amirize
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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