Opinion
The Good Old Christmas
Can anyone remember when governors mostly from then South-Eastern states used to compete over who would send the highest number of luxury buses to different parts of the country to convey their people home for Christmas? From the beginning of December and sometimes earlier, announcements would be made on various radio and television stations when buses would be sent to Borno, Adamawa, Zamfara, Sokoto, Niger and other Northern states to convey Igbos resident in those states to their home states for the Christmas and New Year celebrations. You can call it the good old days, if you think it fits into such a description. But the fact is that people from that region were encouraged to return home at least during the yuletide season to celebrate with their families, reconnect with their family members, friends and others. It is a known truth that many Igbos hardly celebrate the remembrance of the birth of Jesus Christ and the New Year outside Igboland. At this time of the year, Igbos both within and outside the country would be trooping to their villages for the celebrations. The yuletide season is significant to the South-Easterners not just because of Christmas and New year celebrations, it was a period of re-union. Major cultural, traditional, religious and family events are slated for the yuletide season which is around December 15 to January 15. Meetings and other engagements aimed at the development of the communities are held at this period. Marriages, funeral ceremonies, house warming and many other social activities are usually planned for this period, knowing that virtually everybody will be home.
It is also a period when the children who probably have not gone home throughout the year, some even since they were born have the opportunity of travelling to their villages, meeting their kith and kin and getting educated about their cultures and traditions. Virtually everybody from the South-East looked forward to the yuletide season.Today, the story is no longer the same because of the heightened insecurity situation in the region. South-Easterners now find it nightmarish travelling to their hometowns because of the killings, kidnappings, maiming and all manner of crime going on in the region. Of course, some people will still travel home, believing that their lives are in God’s hands and that God will protect them. Some will tell you that they cannot run away from their ancestral homes because of the fear of unknown gunmen or whatever they call the criminals. But the fact remains that many people from the South-East who have the means to travel this season are afraid of doing so. The continuous killing in the South-Eastern part of the country and the seeming inability of both the governors of the region and the federal government to tackle the ugly situation is heart-wrenching. In recent times, no day passes without the report of killings in different parts of the region. South-East, which used to be very peaceful, where the people went about their businesses without fear has become the epicentre of insecurity in the country and the people remain in perpetual tension. If it is not the killing of poor rural dwellers in Ehamufu and sacking them from their ancestral homes by herders, it is the murdering of innocent citizens by some unknown gunmen. If it is not the invasion of some communities by uniformed men to fish out some members of the Eastern Security Network (ESN) and the Independent People of Biafra (IPOB), who the authority claims to be the perpetrators of several crime in the zone, it is the killings as a result of cult clashes and all that. The continued senseless burning of INEC offices, attack on Police stations is still there. Not to mention the perennial Mondays sit-at-home IPOB order and the resultant effects.
This South-East region cannot continue like this. People cannot continue to live in fear. The governors from the region have been laid back for so long. They have for so long failed in their duties of protecting their people and providing responsive and responsible leadership that cater for the welfare of their people. In a recent article, the writer, Ndubisi Francis, traced the root of the current crisis between herders and the indigenes to the 2016, ‘Nimbo Massacre’ where over 40 inhabitants of Nimbo, in Uzo-Uwani Local Government Area of Enugu State, were reportedly slaughtered in cold blood, with many others maimed, while a Catholic church and dozens of houses were razed down by the rampaging attackers. The writer contended that the failure of the government to deal decisively with the case, gave rise to such attacks almost becoming routine in several communities across the South-East with daily clashes over farmlands that were turned into grazing areas by pastoralists. Can this be disputed? No doubt, insecurity happens in other parts of the country but the difference is that in some other states like Rivers, Benue and some South-Western States, their governors are seen taking decisive action and speaking up in the face of injustice against their people and challenging the security agencies and the federal government who controls all the security apparatus in the country to play their own role in securing their people.
Unfortunately, the South-Eastern governors, probably because of some selfish reasons, prefer to look the other way and appear helpless while their people are being killed and chased out of their ancestral homes by some herdsmen. Many indigenes of Eha Amufu, Enugu State are today refugees in many homes. My neighbour from that town currently has four elderly members of his family taking refuge in his home and it is not easy for him at all. What happened to the Ebubeagu security outfit set up by the South-East governors over a year ago to curtail the insecurity in the region just like Amotekun is doing in the South-Western region? How have the governors jointly supported the outfit to carry out its responsibility? We know that the federal government’s control of the Police and other security apparatus could be a clog in the wheel of the governors’ effort in fighting insecurity in their domain but there is still a lot they can do to secure their people and they know it. Governors of the South-East Zone should please do more to fight insecurity in the region. Political, religious and traditional leaders, youth, women groups and other leaders from the zone must join hands in fighting this menace. They cannot continue to fold their hands and watch their states and communities being overrun by criminals. Some of these criminals belong to known families. The self-appointed sectional leader of ESN, Simon Ekpa, who continues to issue destructive orders from his peaceful abode in Finland has family and friends back here in Nigeria. Can not they be used to reach him to stop the harm he is causing to the region and the people? Many times, we have heard the spokesperson for IPOB, Emma Powerful, debunk the accusation that the group is responsible for the mayhem going on in the zone, saying that other people, some non-Igbos, masquerading as IPOB are taking advantage of the situation in the zone. IPOB should not stop at the disclaimer. They and other youths from the zone should join hands with the government to reveal the identities of the criminals and uproot them from the zone and the country at large.
It is also high time IPOB and ESN took a look at their strategy for their agitation for secession. If the whole thing is causing untold hardship and pain to the region and the people you claim to be fighting for, why continue with it? It is also important that the federal government and other states of the federation do not sit aloof and watch the South-East destroyed. All hands must be on deck to arrest the situation. Together we must stand.
By: Calista Ezeaku
Opinion
A Renewing Optimism For Naira
 
														Opinion
Don’t Kill Tam David-West
 
														Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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