Editorial
FG’s Safety Net For Indigent Nigerians

In a bid to prevent poor Nigerians from falling deeper into poverty, the Federal Government said two million people
would start receiving about N20 billion from June this year as basic cash transfers and conditional cash transfers under the National Cash Transfer Programme. Accordingly, each of the two million people will be paid N5,000 under the basic cash transfer and an additional N5,000 under the conditional cash transfer.
A document on the strategic roadmap and activities of the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development, showed that the number of people receiving cash transfers from the government had been increasing. In 2018, a total of 19 states were covered under the National Cash Transfer Programme. This increased to 24 states in 2019 and moved up to 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) in 2022, covering 1.6 million people.
However, the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development, Sadiya Farouq, stated in the document that the number would increase further in June this year. Under the cash transfer scheme, the Federal Government supports poor and vulnerable households with cash monthly.
“By June 2022, we would be paying two million people N5,000 basic cash transfer and an additional N5,000 on conditional cash transfers, which is conditioned on good health-seeking/behaviour, school retention, and good water and hygiene conditions in their environment/homes.
“To date, of this one million targeted by the government, we have been able to pay the sum of N5000 to 850,000 beneficiaries digitally through the Nigeria Inter-bank Settlement System, where each account is carefully validated by the system before payment. One hundred and fifty thousand (150,000) will be paid by the end of April 2022. Each of these beneficiaries is receiving six months of support in cash,” Farouq stated.
The report further indicated that 9.8 million pupils were being fed daily under the National Home-Grown School Feeding Programme, while 127,000 cooks had been engaged and 98 aggregators were supplying various protein products. The controversial school feeding plan of action is one of the four clusters of the National Social Investment Programme (NSIP) which seeks to provide one free daily meal to pupils on the procedure.
The components of the administration’s Social Investment Programmes include the N-Power Programme, the National Home-Grown School Feeding Programme (NHGSFP), the Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) Programme and the Government Enterprise and Empowerment Programme (GEEP), which consists of the MarketMoni, FarmerMoni and TraderMoni schemes.
In a volatile world, there is strong evidence that social safety net programmes can help to build the resilience of poor families and reduce their poverty, making them a vital instrument for the rapid development of countries. But in Nigeria that is not the case. Corruption scandals, poor design, planning and implementation, politicisation, poor procurement and due process dog the plan.
Proponents of NSIP claim that since it started in 2016, over N650 billion has been disbursed, and the NSIPs have impacted over 42 million Nigerians – that is, over 12 million direct beneficiaries and about 30 million indirect beneficiaries, comprising family members, employees of beneficiaries, cooks, and farmers. These claims, however, are not verified. Even the President’s wife, Aisha Buhari, had criticised the scheme, saying there was little evidence to show that its budget was judiciously utilised.
The NSIP urgently needs reform to make it more effective because the poorest of the poor are not being sufficiently captured by the programme. Investigations should be conducted to identify the beneficiaries and the procedure adopted in selecting them. The National Assembly should be involved in the scheme. Already, several billions have been expended since its inception. That calls for serious concern. The lawmakers have to ensure that the right and interests of these poor Nigerians are protected squarely.
Indeed, in Rivers State, we are yet to identify any beneficiary of any of the Federal Government’s safety net programmes.
If Nigeria can freely disburse N20 billion to poor citizens, why does the country continually embark on a borrowing spree? Rather than share a grossly inadequate N10,000 to each disadvantaged Nigerian, such funds should be invested in tangible projects that would improve access of those living in poverty to essential public services such as water, education, health, and industries, among others.
We cannot continue to promote or inject the nation’s capital into a programme without a review of its success. We must begin to innovatively devise more effective and sustainable support to revitalise our critical sector for Nigeria to achieve appreciable development. While we are not against the payment of social benefits to the poorest of Nigerians, such money must be creatively injected into the economy.
No doubt, Nigerians deserve social safety nets, but the time is not ripe for it until the corruption question is addressed. There are credible complaints about some persons or vested interests, sabotaging or rendering the programmes ineffective. It is proper to review and correct these concerns to ensure accountability. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) should probe massive fraud and other corrupt practices plaguing the scheme.
Nigeria must begin to devise an effective, creative and sustainable mechanism for social investment to achieve meaningful socio-economic progress in the country. We have a dilapidated critical sector that requires serious attention to pilot our economy, but it is less prioritised. The existing SIPs may not be the only options. The failure to have strong monitoring and evaluation by non-state actors is not helping the situation.
Therefore, there is a need to have more credible civil society organisations and media for independent monitoring and evaluation including responsible legislative oversight to help the government discover the true reflection on this programme and how best to address challenges. These considerations are crucial to create social safety schemes that reach their full potential to reduce poverty, build resilience, and boost opportunities among the poorest people.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work

When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
Editorial
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Editorial
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