Opinion
Who Claimed Finidi’s House?
…If they actually gave the house out, that means someone has been making good use of my property for over 20 years and I’m not aware of it. – George Finidi, Nigerian ex-international footballer, on FG’s house-gift claim.
As a child, whenever it was
my turn to lead a morning prayer at home, I always had this feeling that my effort would not be up to scratch. And it often turned out so. In short, I’m ashamed to admit that praying has never been my turf. Same goes for fasting. Not so for my siblings, though. To this day, only God knows how He’s been coping with my early morning gibbering while trying to reach Him.
But after reading about George Finidi’s current rift with the federal government over the latter’s claim to have earlier fulfilled a three-bedroom-flat gift promise to him, I for once felt strangely confident to attempt a silent prayer for Nigeria.
For those who may have forgotten, the Super Eagles squad led by Mr. Clemens Westerhof and of which Finidi was a member, came from behind to defeat their Zambian opponents 2-1 courtesy of a brace by FC Barcelona’s Emmanuel Amuneke. This was in the final match of the 1994 Africa Cup of Nations competition at the Stade El Menzah in Tunis.
The Tunis victory was very well celebrated back home in Nigeria. Of course, our divisiveness in culture, religion and politics always gave way to oneness in sports celebrations. Such was the euphoria that the then military Head of State, late General Sani Abacha, promised each of the victorious players and their officials a three-bedroom house gift in any state of their choice.
It may also be suggested that the government’s housing gesture was to further encourage the young lads toward a good outing in the FIFA World Cup finals of same year in the United States. And again, the Super Eagles were superlative in prosecuting their encounters even though they never made it beyond the Round of 16. In fact, it was during their 2-0 finishing against Greece that Finidi attempted an imitation of a urinating dog while celebrating a goal.
Like a few of the big names in that national team and, even up to the 1998 line-up, including Nwankwo Kanu, Austin Okocha and late Rashidi Yekini, Finidi will always be counted as having given his all for club and country.
A former Calabar Rovers, Iwuanyanwu Nationale and Sharks FC player, he was said to have signed for AFC Ajax of Amsterdam and played alongside Kanu to win the Dutch Eredivisie Cup in 1993 and the UEFA Champions League trophy for the 1994-95 season. He later played for Real Betis of Spain and Ipswich Town of England and, until retirement, was credited with 62 caps for his country, Nigeria.
It’s unfortunate that Abacha did not fulfill his promise to these lads before his untimely demise in 1998. But by 2002, President Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration was ready with the first batch of houses for the players. According to a Sports Ministry document sighted by pressmen, Finidi’s name was listed among the first six players to be assigned houses in Lugbe District of Abuja. According to a source, the document stated that “contacts were made to all the recipients inviting them or their wards to come for their houses; coach Bewarang, Amokachi, Finidi, Okocha, Yekini and Ugbade came to receive theirs through their relatives.”
Just two weeks ago (after 19 years), the Presidency reportedly released the names of 13 beneficiaries of another batch of the house gifts. And Finidi, apparently not finding his name in the list, began to ask questions. For an answer, the Sports Ministry officials told him that a relative of his had since signed and collected the keys and all the necessary documents pertaining to a three-bedroom flat allotted to him in 2002.
But how can anybody show this level of wickedness to someone who had dutifully represented this country during his glory days as an international footballer and for part of which reason the house promise was made?
From the foregoing, it is already obvious that something was amiss. Those charged with the allotment of the houses may not have observed due diligence before handing out the necessary particulars to the players’ proxies, especially as it concerned written authorisations. Again, if it took the government eight years to build the first batch of those houses why the hurry to hand them over to proxies rather than wait and do a direct delivery? After all, these players were always coming home on holidays and also to train together when invited for camping ahead of national assignments.
And like Finidi was quoted as saying, “There should be proof that someone signed the document. You don’t give keys and documents without identification. If they (the Ministry) can’t provide these mentioned documents, that means someone wants to deprive me of what I deserve.”
Alternatively, Finidi was said to have asked to be included among beneficiaries of the next batch of houses. This, to me, would have been a viable solution if the government in power never promised zero tolerance to corruption. My suggestion would have been for the authorities to investigate this matter with a view to recovering the said property and forcing the culprit to pay 19 years’ rent into Finidi’s account in addition to a court arraignment for impersonation.
For our present and future generations of sportsmen, the lesson here is that, while plying their trade outside Nigeria, they should keep in touch with one another and also ask questions whenever they are back in the country. If Finidi had been in touch with Okocha, Kanu and Ugbade, he surely would have known when those fellows picked up their gifts, even if by proxy.
Else, from the way the 50-year old ex-Real Betis winger is sounding, it’s very likely that he never attached much essence to a three-bedroom flat back then when the dollars and euros were still pouring into his bank accounts, but has suddenly realised that such edifice can still serve some purpose in his present circumstances.
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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