Opinion
Ibori Loot As Unfair Tag
About three weeks ago, Nigeria’s Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami (SAN), said that the Federal Government had received the sum of £4.2 million (about N2.4 billion) from Britain as the balance found in some accounts linked to Chief James Ibori, and that plans were on to repatriate more than £80 million of the former Delta State governor’s loot.
It would be recalled that Ibori had, during his arraignment in a British court, pleaded guilty to charges bordering on money laundering using his sister, friends and associates. He was, therefore, sentenced to 13 years jail term (but served only four years) and stripped of his loot before being released to return to a red-carpet reception in Nigeria, in December 2016.
Ibori’s travail was at the behest of a petition by the Delta State Elders, Leaders and Stakeholders Forum to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). It was, however, reported that the succeeding Delta State Government, apparently wanting to shield its erstwhile chief executive from prosecution, had refused to cooperate with the federal authorities who sought to arraign Ibori in both local and foreign courts.
Instead, the Dr Emmanuel Uduaghan administration had claimed that no cash was missing from the state’s till. Or, at least, that appeared to be the posture in Asaba until Malami’s recent bombshell as to the nature of the loot’s application, after signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with UK officials in Abuja, over its repatriation.
The minister had disclosed that the federal government intended to deploy the money into construction of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, Abuja-Kano Highway and Second Niger Bridge. This had forced Delta State to quickly do a volte-face while insisting that the fund be returned to it, having originated therefrom. And, as would be expected, this new development had ignited heated debate among discussants across the country.
Ibori has since retired to a private life even though his invisible hand is still being felt on the chess board of Delta politics. His name is now hardly mentioned in public except with regard to his confiscated acquisitions which had since been tagged ‘Ibori Loot’, apparently in line with the Abacha Loot moniker associated with late military Head of State, General Sani Abacha.
While there may not be much argument as to the similarity between the sleazy dispositions of these two notable Nigerians, it surely will be a misapplication of justice to tag their loots alike. Yes, Abacha’s may be allowed to continue to fly since the late maximum ruler was never brought to trial before his untimely death; nor did he suffer any obvious penalty for his alleged crimes as was the case with Ibori.
In fact, the latter even suffered the additional humiliation of being practically hounded out of the country by the EFCC and later extradited from Dubai to face trial in England based on Scotland Yard’s request. So, having been punished by a court pronouncement which included asset forfeitures, it will amount to overkill if the Urhobo chief, or even his family name, is made to suffer a permanent ridicule by the continued reference to his forfeitures as Ibori Loot.
To those who cared to listen, Ibori had maintained that political opponents were behind his ordeal. The haste with which his seized assets were labelled Ibori Loot seemed to suggest that, indeed, someone had set out to deal him a lasting blow, a priori. Else, why was such name tag not pinned on the recovered hauls of the equally convicted former governors of Plateau and Taraba States, Joshua Dariye and Jolly Nyame, respectively?
Again, there were other ex-governors and high-profile Nigerians who avoided long prison terms by entering a plea bargain while still retaining the bulk of their illicit pickings. Yet, nobody cared to brand such relinquished items. Former Bayelsa State Governor, late Chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha; ex-Governor Lucky Igbinedion of Edo State; former Police IGP, Mr. Tafa Balogun; and Mrs. Cecilia Ibru of Oceanic Bank all belong here.
Also, even with the intermittent court-sanctioned seizures of properties belonging to former Petroleum Minister, Mrs. Diezani Allison-Madueke, nobody has opted to rub it in.
Whoever may be after Ibori is also likely to be among those arguing for his recovered loot to be used to erect landmark edifices in his native Delta State, even if such projects are to be supervised by the federal government to avoid a re-loot. A very sound argument, no doubt; but it will create objects for which the ex-governor’s name will continue to get a bad mention. And surely, no truly compassionate Nigerian will allow for this even as they are wont to condemn the greedy and ignoble adventures of some of their leaders.
Alternatively, let me suggest that government deploys the seized sum to the provision of structures that require counterpart financing from the state. For instance, the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) recently announced that the sum of N41.06 billion was yet to be accessed by any of the nation’s 36 states and the FCT as at March 8, 2021. Delta State can access its share of this idle fund by deducting from the recovered loot to settle its counterpart obligation so that whatever facilities that will accrue from this effort can pass for UBEC-funded projects while veiling the additional funding source.
In fact, there is no shortage of programmes of this nature in nearly all sectors of any state. They are mostly comprised of those activities that are co-sponsored by foreign aid agencies. Examples are mobile health clinics, rural water schemes, off-grid electricity, skills training and micro-financing, among others. And these are mainly the kind of programmes that best benefit the poor and needy in society.
By: Ibelema Jumbo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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