Opinion
Ibori Loot As Unfair Tag
About three weeks ago, Nigeria’s Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami (SAN), said that the Federal Government had received the sum of £4.2 million (about N2.4 billion) from Britain as the balance found in some accounts linked to Chief James Ibori, and that plans were on to repatriate more than £80 million of the former Delta State governor’s loot.
It would be recalled that Ibori had, during his arraignment in a British court, pleaded guilty to charges bordering on money laundering using his sister, friends and associates. He was, therefore, sentenced to 13 years jail term (but served only four years) and stripped of his loot before being released to return to a red-carpet reception in Nigeria, in December 2016.
Ibori’s travail was at the behest of a petition by the Delta State Elders, Leaders and Stakeholders Forum to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). It was, however, reported that the succeeding Delta State Government, apparently wanting to shield its erstwhile chief executive from prosecution, had refused to cooperate with the federal authorities who sought to arraign Ibori in both local and foreign courts.
Instead, the Dr Emmanuel Uduaghan administration had claimed that no cash was missing from the state’s till. Or, at least, that appeared to be the posture in Asaba until Malami’s recent bombshell as to the nature of the loot’s application, after signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with UK officials in Abuja, over its repatriation.
The minister had disclosed that the federal government intended to deploy the money into construction of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, Abuja-Kano Highway and Second Niger Bridge. This had forced Delta State to quickly do a volte-face while insisting that the fund be returned to it, having originated therefrom. And, as would be expected, this new development had ignited heated debate among discussants across the country.
Ibori has since retired to a private life even though his invisible hand is still being felt on the chess board of Delta politics. His name is now hardly mentioned in public except with regard to his confiscated acquisitions which had since been tagged ‘Ibori Loot’, apparently in line with the Abacha Loot moniker associated with late military Head of State, General Sani Abacha.
While there may not be much argument as to the similarity between the sleazy dispositions of these two notable Nigerians, it surely will be a misapplication of justice to tag their loots alike. Yes, Abacha’s may be allowed to continue to fly since the late maximum ruler was never brought to trial before his untimely death; nor did he suffer any obvious penalty for his alleged crimes as was the case with Ibori.
In fact, the latter even suffered the additional humiliation of being practically hounded out of the country by the EFCC and later extradited from Dubai to face trial in England based on Scotland Yard’s request. So, having been punished by a court pronouncement which included asset forfeitures, it will amount to overkill if the Urhobo chief, or even his family name, is made to suffer a permanent ridicule by the continued reference to his forfeitures as Ibori Loot.
To those who cared to listen, Ibori had maintained that political opponents were behind his ordeal. The haste with which his seized assets were labelled Ibori Loot seemed to suggest that, indeed, someone had set out to deal him a lasting blow, a priori. Else, why was such name tag not pinned on the recovered hauls of the equally convicted former governors of Plateau and Taraba States, Joshua Dariye and Jolly Nyame, respectively?
Again, there were other ex-governors and high-profile Nigerians who avoided long prison terms by entering a plea bargain while still retaining the bulk of their illicit pickings. Yet, nobody cared to brand such relinquished items. Former Bayelsa State Governor, late Chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha; ex-Governor Lucky Igbinedion of Edo State; former Police IGP, Mr. Tafa Balogun; and Mrs. Cecilia Ibru of Oceanic Bank all belong here.
Also, even with the intermittent court-sanctioned seizures of properties belonging to former Petroleum Minister, Mrs. Diezani Allison-Madueke, nobody has opted to rub it in.
Whoever may be after Ibori is also likely to be among those arguing for his recovered loot to be used to erect landmark edifices in his native Delta State, even if such projects are to be supervised by the federal government to avoid a re-loot. A very sound argument, no doubt; but it will create objects for which the ex-governor’s name will continue to get a bad mention. And surely, no truly compassionate Nigerian will allow for this even as they are wont to condemn the greedy and ignoble adventures of some of their leaders.
Alternatively, let me suggest that government deploys the seized sum to the provision of structures that require counterpart financing from the state. For instance, the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) recently announced that the sum of N41.06 billion was yet to be accessed by any of the nation’s 36 states and the FCT as at March 8, 2021. Delta State can access its share of this idle fund by deducting from the recovered loot to settle its counterpart obligation so that whatever facilities that will accrue from this effort can pass for UBEC-funded projects while veiling the additional funding source.
In fact, there is no shortage of programmes of this nature in nearly all sectors of any state. They are mostly comprised of those activities that are co-sponsored by foreign aid agencies. Examples are mobile health clinics, rural water schemes, off-grid electricity, skills training and micro-financing, among others. And these are mainly the kind of programmes that best benefit the poor and needy in society.
By: Ibelema Jumbo
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Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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