Editorial
PIB: Beyond The Fisticuffs
The venue of the public hearing on the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) was thrown into turmoil following a fight by some members of the host communities of crude oil reserves in the Niger Delta. The people had gathered from the different parts of the oil-producing communities with a greater number from the core Niger Delta states to make presentations on the bill.
The public hearing began with major stakeholders making their presentations. However, the fight broke out when the Chairman of the Ad-hoc Committee on PIB, Hon. Mohammed Monguno, who had been moderating the proceedings, called the host communities to make their inputs.
Monguno had earlier given a notice of a harmonised leadership of the host communities that would make presentations through one person. But apparently, the announcement did not go down well among the people who appeared to have struggled amongst themselves over who would represent them.
To this end, they resorted to fighting themselves, disrupting the proceedings. The unhealthy development left lawmakers and other participants scampering for safety. However, calm was restored after the security agents from the Nigerian police intervened in the matter.
Recall that the Federal Government had in the PIB proposed 2.5 per cent as royalty for the host communities instead of the 10 per cent that was in the older version of the bill considered by the 8th National Assembly. At the public hearing, the people insisted on the 10 per cent.
We condemn the conduct of the chiefs and stakeholders from the oil-producing communities. It is shameful that the leaders, instead of presenting a common front at the venue, turned against themselves. The development was contemptuous and constituted a breach of the sanctity of the House. Their vile conduct portrayed the Niger Deltans as aggressors and trouble-mongers. But the truth is people from the region are more decent than thought.
Many years of agitations for justice and equity by the Niger Deltans are somewhat unsuccessful because some stakeholders from the region have become agents of disunity in the hands of detractors who are bent on destabilising the region to deny it its rightful dues. Such persons see development in the area as a threat to their aspirations.
We blame Monguno and his committee for doing the bidding of their paymasters and for poorly conducting the public hearing in a way that suggested sentiments on their part. Given the critical nature and significance of the PIB to the functionality of the oil and gas sector, it was of utmost importance that all stakeholders were treated equally and accorded the same opportunity to discuss its contents and proposal. Unfortunately, only one person was appointed to speak on behalf of other communities. This is a further demonstration of the contemptible manner the Nigerian State has regarded the people of the region.
Since the PIB was amended and reintroduced to the 9th National Assembly, its provisions have been in contention by the host communities. While we support a speedy passage of the bill, we are more interested in its contents and quality. As currently proposed, the PIB 2020, is inadequate to address the environmental, human rights, and livelihoods concerns of host communities. That is why we think that the improperly conducted public hearing could have been the golden opportunity to straighten out all the issues in friction.
The role of the police in bringing the skirmish to an end is commendable. But for their prompt intervention, the situation would have worsened and perhaps resulted in massive bloodshed. This is an indication that if supported and properly funded, the police could conduct their affairs more professionally than thought.
It is ignominious that the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Timipre Sylva, joined forces against his people to fault the position of host communities who are insisting on collecting 10 per cent of the operating expenditure of the oil firms to set up a trust fund. We wonder why representatives, lawmakers and senators from the region watch other people bastardise the bill.
While we hope that the PIB will be passed in April this year as promised, we stand with those asking for the 10 per cent equity shareholding. We are aware that even that percentage may not be enough to adequately meet the needs of host communities. If included in the bill, it will equally guarantee security in the local communities that produce oil and gas and ensure that no one will spill any oil or vandalise any pipeline.
The PIB should be seen as an instrument to provide legal backing and protection for the development of host communities and the collective good of the nation including a balance of interest between stakeholders of the petroleum sector. Therefore, our ability to dissent peacefully and treat each other with dignity and respect even in the face of controversy will play a key role in determining the success of one of the ideals for which this legislation is being considered. That grievance can be properly addressed without violence and chaos in our host communities.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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