Opinion
As NLC Prepares For Ultimate Strike…
The issue of an increase in the minimum wage of civil servants has lingered for so long. So much that it has called for the need to truly scrutinize what it means, especially in the face of gnawing economic incapacitation and clearly dehumanizing standard of living in Nigeria for the average person, popularly called the “common man”.
There is indeed no doubt that life is becoming extremely unbearable for the common man in Nigeria, considering that on a daily basis it has become increasingly difficult for him to have a good meal a day.
Year in, year out, workers in Nigeria are made to demand for the execution of an agreement, a legal agreement, between them and the government, for the Federal Government to make slight adjustments to the earnings of its workers, in line with economic realities.
Each time, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), the umbrella body of workers in the country, resorted to stamping its feet, most times at the expense of some of its leaders being tagged enemies to government and being dealt with accordingly, for any decision to be taken about execution of the agreement.
From all indications, at least, going by the body language of the Muhammadu Buhari-led Federal Government, the implementation of the agreed N30,000 minimum wage will end up a mirage, and the NLC will surely embark on the proposed almighty strike in January.
The question that readily comes to the minds of critical thinkers at this juncture over the issue, is why there is so much ado about salary increase for workers who sometimes can hardly boast of N35,000 in their accounts after serving the government for the maximum 35 years, no thanks to economic instability and non-standardization to goods and services in the country.
This is a major truth about the typical civil servant in Nigeria: that if he decides to be a dedicated and meticulous worker in order to serve his country or state to the best of his ability, giving his best in the maximum 35 years, he will be regarded as a failure in life by even the government he has so diligently served, especially going by the attention he gets after retirement: difficulty in payment of his retirement benefits, if it is paid.
At the end of the day, after his otherwise meritorious service to his fatherland, if he does not die fighting for his benefits, he’ll end up not getting it till death comes calling. This is mostly why most retirees die shortly after retirement, because not only are their earnings reduced, they can hardly get such monthly entitlements.
When you place the plight of the civil servant side-by-side with his politician counterpart, it is easy to appreciate who the politician truly is, and what he thinks of the civil servant.
Unlike the civil servant, the politician, at best, aspires to be President of the country and to remain there for the maximum eight years. Of course, before then, he may have occupied several positions. But for the National and State Assemblies and appointments, every other position has a maximum eight years’ time frame to serve.
Within this period, they have several increases in salaries, allowances (most of which are never enjoyed by the civil servant in his entire years of service), and fringe benefits. Such benefits include wardrobe allowance, travelling allowance, changes of official cars almost annually, and even holiday allowance.
This is in the face of sometimes clear deprivation of the leave bonuses and sundry fringe benefits of civil servants by the same government.
Within the reign of Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi as Governor of Rivers State, and Chairman of the Nigerian Governor’s Forum, for instance, provisions were made for ex-Governors to retire in comfort. Some of the benefits accruable to anyone fortunate to serve as governor (for maximum eight years) include being paid millions of naira as salaries monthly, owning mansions as houses in Abuja and their state of origin, having a change of cars ranging from three to five in stated number of years, etc. All of these are as of right, and MUST be provided by the state.
Meanwhile, part of why the civil servant is tagged lazy is because either his job has been taken over by oftentimes comparatively less qualified politician, or he is seen as not being a politician, and so would demand that due process be followed in handling official matters.
As civil servants in Nigeria prepare to embark on the indirect government-imposed January ultimate strike, therefore, there’s the urgent need for all, including the government, to begin to actually appreciate the plight of the civil servant deliberately imposed by the government.
For, no matter what lies told to civil servants under whatever guise, and no matter how the government seeks to incapacitate the civil servant, it does not remove their knowledge that the government only needs them as chattels to enable it attain self-aggrandizement, not real partners in the progress of the Nigerian Society.
If this is not so, the government needs to redefine who the civil servant is in the development of the Nigerian State. And there’s no better way to do this than giving the civil servant his due, at this point, the pittance in the name of “N30,000.00 minimum wage”, which will not even be enough for him in the present hard times made possible by the same government.
It is, indeed, a wonder that every year, and in all its endeavours, government at all levels seeks to borrow a leaf from the advanced climes on how to develop their country and state. We hear of alliances with foreign companies to develop infrastructures, but the same courtesy is not accorded the workforce. Barely little is done in terms of improving the living standard of the civil servant, at least, not as is done for the politician.
To, therefore, view the proposed January workers strike as anything else but a fight for the ridiculously deprived survival of the civil servant is to state in clear terms that the civil servant in Nigeria has to think of other more aggressive means of demanding for their right and due.
The assumption is, of course, that the government will not allow this to happen by doing the needful, of according to the same or similar benefits as it does the politician. Anything contrary can only portend the worst for the polity and, one way or another, the country will be the worse for it.
Soibi Max-Alalibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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