Editorial
INEC And Underage Voters
Only short-circuited and myopic individuals, or perhaps some imperceptible segments of the Nigerian populace will dispute the fact that the electorate have once again been roiling in pre-election trauma.
As if it has been ordained by some powerful forces – certainly not of God that Nigeria must always tread the dangerous alley at moments of great national decision in the public interest, the nation is once again confronted with an hydra-headed monster among its several electoral nightmares: underage voting.
At the centre of this strange, or rather sad state of affairs, is the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) which ought to be truly independent, neutral and objective rather than being a tool of self-perpetuating politics.
Just like the 2015 scenario in which underage voters freely voted in the controversial general elections in Kano, penultimate Saturday’s local government polls in that State where minors gleefully exercised unrestricted franchise in full public glare, has stripped INEC of its last shred of credibility. This is even as the electoral umpire is yet to clear itself of accusations that it was conniving with politicians from a particular section of the country to deny eligible voters registration, as well as sending few and non-functional registration machines to attend to intending voters who besiege registration centres on a daily basis.
The photographs of some underage persons who reportedly participated in the Kano local government polls and the constraints experienced by many prospective electorate to get their permanent voter cards (PVCs) in the South have given the impression that the PVC collection exercise is skewed in favour of the North.
Not surprisingly, several knocks on this matter have been received by INEC which has consistently denied complicity in the Kano underage voting saga. Admitting giving the Kano State Independent Electoral Commission a copy of the voter’s register used in the election marred by underage voting, INEC cited Section 12 (1) of the Electoral Act, insisting that it had no hand in the conduct of the polls.
Reacting swiftly, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), like the ever-growing traffic of critics of its handling of election matters, passed a vote of no confidence on INEC, requesting the immediate resignation of its boss, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu.
Citing the utter breach of constitutional and electoral provisions by allowing underage persons to vote or be accommodated in the voters’ register, the PDP, in a statement by its National Publicity Security, Kola Ologbondiyan, also called for the speedy review of the voters’ register with a view to expunging the names of all underage persons before the 2019 general elections.
The PDP listed Kano and Katsina States as having the highest record of underage voters and charged INEC to investigate the voters register in these and other states with a view to sanctifying the register before 2019.
Dismissing reasons adduced by INEC’s Director of Publicity and Voter Education, Mr Oluwale Osaze-Izzi that its officials were threatened by members of communities in the affected States to register minors during the registration exercise, the PDP insists that representatives of political parties, the media, security agencies and non-governmental organisations must be part of the review of the register to ensure its credibility and sanctity.
The Tide aligns with the PDP’s position on the matter, especially against the backdrop of the fact that the eight-man in-house committee on the allegations, recently constituted by INEC Chairman excluded Katsina State from the probe, in spite of strong evidence of underage voting, probably because it is the home state of President Muhammadu Buhari.
Allowing minors to vote in the full glare of INEC officials and security personnel in those states, is not only a misnomer, but a flagrant breach of the electoral law.
It is true and imperative that INEC, as many have repeatedly said, urgently requires some veritable democratic purgative to rid it of its several inherent toxins. However, it must first embark on soul-searching and self-cleansing if we must consolidate on the advances in our democratic sojourn and expand the frontiers of good governance.
The earlier INEC does so, the better for all Nigerians as we march towards 2019 general elections.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work

When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
Editorial
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Editorial
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