Opinion
Promoting Indigenous Languages In Nigeria
Nigeria is a large country of over 180 million people, perhaps the largest country in Africa and indeed, in the whole black race. Situated in West Africa, it is larger than the whole of the sub-region. With over 250 different ethnic groups found across the length breadth of the country, there are three major tribes, viz- Hausa in the North, Igbo in the East and Yoruba in the West, each having it’s own language. However, the general language of communication in Nigeria is English language bequeathed to us by the former colonial masters, Great Britain.
Even though English is the official language of communication in Nigeria and used in teaching students in schools, the government and indeed leaders of thought have made concerted efforts to promote the study of Nigerian languages in schools. Few years ago, government saw the need for this and tailored the education curriculum towards the study of indigenous languages.
To this end, the Federal Ministry of Education made it compulsory for every student to study and register at least one Nigerian language at senior school examination. Besides, the Federal Government went ahead and established at Kano, Enugu and Abia States, the Federal Institute for Nigerian Languages. These are all geared toward the study and promotion of Nigerian languages.
Why is it very necessary to study the indigenous languages? The answers are indeed not farfetched. There are many of them, but few will be mentioned here. If a foreigner is in the midst of Nigerians of different ethnic backgrounds and they want to discuss an issue the foreigner is not supposed to know, how will they go about it? Obviously, it is impossible, hence the need to adopt a particular indigenous language which all Nigerians must accept as a lingua franca, irrespective of their tribes.
Outside of the identity issue which is paramount, promoting our languages makes it easier for those that do not speak English or do not speak it well to be part of the world. If Nigeria invests in translating key documents into our languages, it will be easier for her citizenry to understand what is happening in China or India, because the information would be written in their local languages.
The powerful countries in the world have all done that. South Africa has some nine official languages, while China supports all 55 languages in its country. They even pay to have newspapers translated into those languages. India does the same thing and even awards yearly prizes to writers in local Indian languages. Needless to say these countries have a deep identity, making them more patriotic and which makes information easily accessible to the masses, even the old and poor.
Promoting self-pride perhaps is one of the most important aspects of garnering support to promote indigenous language. Without support from the community, it’s difficult to get anything going. Without self-pride, no one will ever use the language or help the culture to survive.
Alternatively, the Federal Government can modify the school curriculum in such a way that a student must study one language other than his own. This is a unifying force and will go a long way in bringing about the much needed peace, unity and brotherhood among Nigerians. The beneficiary can therefore reside in that part of the country where he understands their language, in comfort, since the acquisition of language is a prelude to mastering their culture.
Language is tied to culture; you cannot learn the culture of the people without learning their language. Talking about culture, studying the indigenous languages of Nigeria is another way of promoting Nigerian culture, hence as I earlier said, culture and language are inseparable. By studying our indigenous languages, we will get to understand and appreciate the culture of not only our own tribes but that of others.
More than anything else, the study of our indigenous languages will enhance the standard of education. Educational psychology has proved that a child of pre-school age understand more, what he is taught in his mother tongue than what he is taught in school language. This is because, at birth, the mind of a child is totally empty and whatever values he is taught then, will register automatically in his mind. Therefore, anything in his mind becomes indelible.
It is common knowledge that a child learns to speak, using his mother tongue. For instance, he learns to speak calling “nne” or “iya” (mother in Igbo and Yoruba, respectively). If the government implements this, it should back it with the training of teachers in indigenous languages who will in turn teach students at all levels of education.
I wonder why we can’t be proud of what we have. English only became our lingua franca after colonisation. We have an identity, we have our own mother tongue. We have the resources and knowledge to make any Nigerian dialect acceptable within Nigeria. We don’t have to sit in the doldrums of insignificance. Let’s promote our culture, let’s not kill our mother tongue. If for no reason, let’s promote it for posterity sake.
Indigenous languages are, no doubt, the indices of people’s identity; they encapsulate our core traditional values that identify us and make us distinct from other people. The pursuit of national identity via the promotion of indigenous languages is not a bad idea. It will certainly help in building a great Nigeria of our dreams.
Tom writes from Maiduguri, Borno State.
Adama Tom
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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