Opinion
That Furore Over Osinbajo’s ‘Coordinating’ Mandate
President Muhammadu Buhari, for the second time, transmitted a letter of notice to the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria for a medical vacation in the United Kingdom, last week. The letter which contained among other terms, ‘coordinating’ has been subjected to severe criticisms by both the political class and the masses who questioned the rationale behind the use of such term in place of ‘acting’ as previously used during Buhari’s earlier vacation.
Senator Mao Ohuabunwa (PDP) representing Abia North Senatorial District fired the first salvo at the Senate plenary when the letter was read. He vehemently condemned the term, ‘coordinating’ used by the President to describe Vice President Yemi Osinbajo. Since then, many Nigerians, especially opposition politicians, have continued to dwell on sundry insinuations, pointing at the skeletons in the cupboards of the Presidency.
Emphatically, the Nigeria constitution is clear on the matter. Section 145 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended, provides, “Whenever the President transmits to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives a written declaration that he is proceeding on vacation or that he is otherwise unable to discharge the functions of his office, until he transmits to them a written declaration to the contrary, such functions shall be discharged by the Vice-President as Acting President.”
Clearly, the above provision did not give the President powers to recommend, appoint or make his Vice an Acting-President; instead, it simply gives an outline on how powers can be transmitted from the President to his Vice on temporary basis, especially while indisposed to discharge duties temporarily. As a matter of fact, President Buhari needed not to inform or be at peace with his Vice for the office of Acting-President to come on board. As long as a letter is transmitted pursuant to Section 145 supra, it is immaterial if the letter mentioned Vice President or not. It will be automatically incumbent on the Senate to invoke or apply the constitutional provision as the office of the President makes no room for vacuum.
By implication, the President does not need to mention either ‘acting’ or ‘coordinating’ in his letter to the Senate as long as the letter clearly pointed to vacation or short-term unfitness. The constitution is supreme. It explicitly states that on such situation, once a formal communication is transmitted to the upper chamber of the National Assembly by the President, the powers automatically shift to the Vice President pending the President’s resumption. Thus, the needful is for the President to formally transmit a correspondence on his vacation. To even use the word “acting’ in the letter by the President is akin to direct or tell the Senate what to do.
Incontrovertibly, the Senate knows that the legitimate step is to declare Professor Yemi Osinbajo as Acting-President pending when counter-correspondence is received from the President on his readiness to resume duties. Professor Osinbajo can only do mere ‘coordination’ if no correspondence was sent to the Senate on the President’s medical trip.
The hullaballoo generated by the President’s use of the term ‘coordinating’ is, therefore, uncalled for, and reduces the architects as mischief makers. Nigeria as a nation should face important issues that would bring substantial dividends of democracy to the people.
In the first place, the President presently does not have constitutional powers to appoint Acting-President. It is strictly the affairs of the Senate, and the Presidency understands it clearly.
Secondly, the section of the constitution cited in the letter made the intention of the President unambiguous. Thirdly, the perception and claims that President Buhari didn’t appoint Prof Osinbajo to be Acting-President is ridiculous and the height of naivety. The office of the Acting-President is provided in the constitution and the prerequisites clearly spelt out. It is an office recognized in law and invoked upon exclusively by the lawmakers on meeting a specified condition, including transmission of a notice by the President.
Without a doubt, the President can magnanimously mastermind his Vice to become an Acting-President. Nonetheless, he doesn’t do the ‘appointing’, but can only stop at creating the way by transmitting in writing his vacation or inability to discharge official duties.
Importantly, the office of the Acting-President does not fall within the appointments designated for the President such as ministers and aides.
I want to believe that the sole aim of detractors is to plant seeds of discord between President Buhari and Acting-President, Osinbajo whose working relationship since inauguration has remained cordial, exemplary and brotherly despite religious differences, ethnicity and careers. However, they will not succeed.
Criticisms are essential characteristics of leadership especially in a democracy but when they lose constructive elements and values; it becomes bickering, loquacity and pull-down syndrome. Hate politics in Nigeria in recent times is monumentally grotesque, bizarre, barbaric and egoistic. The country is greater than any individual or political affiliations, and therefore, national interests should be utmost priority.
Critics should rather be concerned about the unprecedented discoveries of public funds in billions of naira, dollars, pounds inside pits, septic tanks, uncompleted buildings, serviced-flats, locked-up shops and others, amidst economic recession, in a society most average families and pensioners are facing hell. The challenges facing the nation are enormous, and therefore unacceptable for the red chamber to concentrate on such irrelevancies. There are numerous executive bills awaiting legislative processes, as well as other relevant, sensitive issues to address towards improving the standard of living of the citizenry.
Umegboro, a public affairs analyst, writes from Abuja.
Carl Umegboro
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
Opinion
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