Opinion
Indigenous Language Dev And The African Child
According to Ngugi Wa Thiong’o, a Professor of Com
parative Literature and English: “If you know all the languages of the world, and you don’t know your language, that is enslavement.
This remark by the Kenyan-born prolific writer remains instructive in teaching and learning particularly as it affects the African Child.
In this regard, the 1976 Soweto uprising in South Africa, indeed, has left indelible mark on the sand of time in relation to developing indigenous languages in the continent of Africa.
It is common knowledge that on June 16, 1976 about ten thousand black school children marched protesting poor quality of their education.
Of paramount significance to the development of indigenous languages, the black school children also demanded to be taught in their own language.
Evidence shows that so many of them were shot dead in the protest while several others received severe degrees of injuries.
It is no surprise, therefore, that June 16 every year has been set aside as the day of the African Child.
Better still, both the African Union (AU) and UNESCO have acknowledged June 16 as Day of the African Child to honour those black school children who were killed for protesting poor quality and most importantly demanded to be taught in their own language.
From the echoes and rhythms of the celebration of Day of African Child over the years, it does appear that much has been said about the killing and the physical pains the black school children suffered while little has been done about the systematic wearing away of African Languages and death otherwise called attrition and linguicide.
It would be recalled that one of the things that brought English Language itself to limelight even in the United Kingdom was that the owners of the language demanded the use of the language particularly in the church against the use of Latin.
This is where the famous Cramer’s Book of Common Prayers published In 1549 comes to mind.
The Book of Common Prayers came to limelight after the parliament passed an Act called the Act of Uniformity which requested among other’s that the prayers should be written and spoken in English Language instead of Latin following the plan to move the Church of England away from the Catholic Church.
The introduction of the Book of Common Prayers emanating from the Act of Uniformity further led to the Famous Prayer Book Rebellion of the same year particularly by the people of Devon and Cornwall where Catholicism not only had stronghold but the fact the people of Cornwall who did not speak or understand English as much called for translation of the New Prayer Book into Cornish, the language of Cornwall.
This call was, however, rejected but it goes to show the zeal of a people to develop a language.
The lesson from this analogy, therefore, is that owners of a language must stand up to ensure that their language do not wear away and die in embracing foreign cultures and the perceived modernity.
In fact, Bamgbose in 1993 posits thus: “When all is said and done, the fate of the endangered language may well lie in the hands of the owners of the language themselves and in their will to make it survive.
Similarly, a linguist Prof Emenannjo in 1990 echoed” thus: “Language engineering requires cooperation between the speakers of the language on one hand, and linguists, and educationists on the other hand.”
The need to develop indigenous languages, therefore, should not be trivialised and banalised.
It is pertinent to observe that at the 7th Forum on Indigenous Issues held between April 21 to May 2, 2008, UNESCO disclosed that approximately six hundred languages have disappeared in the last century and they continue to disappear at the rate of one language every two weeks.
It goes further to express the fear that up to 90 per cent of the world’s languages are likely to disappear before the end of the century if current trends are allowed to continue.
Interestingly, the National Policy on Education adopted in 2004 provides that government shall ensure that the medium of instruction in pre-primary and primary will be principally the mother tongue.
The policy further states that for primary education, the medium of instruction shall be the language of the environment and same for junior secondary where it has orthography and literature.
However, where there is no orthography, the methodology of oracy shall be explored in teaching and learning.
This is why the Federal Government itself must implement key components in the said National Policy of Education 2004 which involve the development of orthography for many more Nigerian languages as well as produce textbooks in Nigerian languages.
This policy should not be the responsibility of the federal government alone to enforce but for all the states and Local Government Areas of the federation.
To this end, the various states of the country must mobilise indigenous people and ethnic groups to exhibit interest in developing and reviving their languages gradually facing extinction.
At this juncture, it is necessary to commend Rivers State for its effort at developing indigenous languages.
For instance, Rivers State which has over 20 different ethnic groups has seventeen orthographies of 17 languages approved as Nigerian languages spoken in the state.
They include Abuan, Degema, Egbema, Engene, Eleme and Gokana. Others are Khana, Etche, Ikwerre, Ibani, Kalabari, Ndoni, Odual, Ogba, Obolo, Ekpeye and Okrika.
Worthy of note too, is the fact that Rivers State has passed into law the Rivers State Education Teaching of Indigenous Languages Law of 2003.
The law provides that the teaching of indigenous languages is made compulsory in all pre-primary, primary and junior secondary schools while the state Ministry of Education shall cause the local languages to be one of the subjects examined at the end of each term or year in the first school leaving certificate and Junior Secondary School Certificate Examinations. What remains is for the state governemnt to implement the policy in the state.
Experts, however, agree that funding by government at all levels have been a major challenge to indigenous language development.
Gross disinterestedness on part of owners of indigenous languages and the fact that people first study what will put food on the table above other considerations.
It has also been observed that cross-cultural marriages do not help matters as even some parents themselves come from families whose parents had cross cultural marriage.
There are also cases of power play, egocentricism and personality clash during the process of testing and ratifying orthographies in local communities.
This ought not to be considering the fact that learning in native tongue can boost independent thought.
This fact was attested to by the Project Director Indian (space) Moon Mission Myiswamy Annadurai when he said “Learning in one’s native tongue should not be seen as a weakness but can lead to higher independent thought.”
He concluded thus: “Many of the team behind India’s first and successful moon mission had done a large part of their academic learning in their native tongues” To this end, one cannot but salute the ingenuity, courage and request of the black school children of Soweto in June 1976 when they demanded to be taught in their indigenous languages.
Government, communities, civil society and advocacy groups as well as parents must promote the use of indigenous languages for the sake of cultural identity.
Religious bodies and sects should attach premium to translating their sacred books such as the Holy Bible and Quran into indigenous languages as part of evangelism.
In as much as funding is necessary by government, owners of indigenous languages must be alive to their responsibility of sustaining their languages. The time to act is now!
Sika is a staff of Radio Rivers.
Baridorn Sika
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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