Opinion

State Police, How Desirable?

Published

12 years ago

July 1, 2014

The on-going National Conference, last Thursday, ap
proved the establishment of state police to strengthen security in the states. the state police, when created by states that desire and can finance them, are to complement teh efforts of the Nigerian Police Force.
What do Port Harcourt residents think about this development? A few of them aired their views to our Chief Correspondent, Calista Ezeaku. Our photographer, Ibioye Diama captured their images

Mr Suowonale Nima (Civil Servant)
Creating State police will mean creating more problems in the country, because there will be Federal Police and state police. Anybody can use the police to intimidate others. There is no way state police and federal police can work hand in hand. There is bound to be confusion. So, I think they should forget the issue of state police. Let the Nigerian Police Force carry on with the duty of policing the country.

Livingstone Nator(Engineer)
There are two sides to the issue of the state police. Establishing state police will help in the security of our people, especially those in the grassroots. But when you look at the other side of it, creating state police where the Federal government will not be totally in control of it, the politicians will highjack it and misuse it. They will use the police to oppress their opponents.
Apart from this, state police is good. The policemen will be people from that particular state who understand the language and the culture of the people.
However, I think state police can work better with the establishment of vigilante groups. The state government should be involved in the activities of the vigilante groups, try to empower them. The state police should work hand and hand with the vigilante groups who will be able to detect when a strange fellow comes into a community and find out his mission. The growing insecurity in this country has made it imperative that every body must be involved in the security of our communities. Everybody must be security conscious. Security is not the job of the policemen alone. We must help them to succeed by giving them vital information.

Miss Sarah Okpuibo (public Servant)
Establishment of state police is a good idea because of the security situation in our country now. I think states should go ahead and establish their own police force to beef up security in various states. The Federal police has been trying but the joint effort of the state and federal police will certainly yield more positive results. As it is presently, the number of policemen in the country is to minimal to cater for the security needs of the entire country. But if states can create their own police the number will increase and that will mean better security for the states and the entire country.
No doubt, going by what has been happening in our country, especially in this political era, politicians might want to use the state police as thugs, but this can only be possible when the head of the police force and the policemen want the politicians to use them. If they are not willingly to be used, no body can force them.
Anonymities. For me, I welcome the idea of the creation of state police, lets see if there will be any difference between federal police and the state police. The agitation has been on for some time now, so let’s give it a try. How many states do you think can properly finance state police? Look at even TIMARIV we have in this state. For over six months they have not been paid. The same thing applies to other states. So, it is not just establishing state police but making sure that it is adequately funded. If the policemen are not properly funded, you might just be creating more security and social problems for the states and the country at large.

Mr Ezinwo Iheanyi (publisher)
It’s okay. As we have heard, it is not a general recommendation per say, but for states that can afford it. And that implies that to a large extent, each federating is independent and should be able to have their own police and some other institutions of government that can enhance the administration of justice. In our own society, especially those of us who were born after independence, we have not seen state police in operation. Ordinarily, one will say it’s not a bad idea. At last it will help the communities to be properly policed. But the fear has to do with the attitude of the average Nigerian politician, the tendency for the winner to take all. If Mr A happens to be the governor, he will chase the political opponents all over the place with baseless charges. But I don’t think it will be wrong to give it a trial, especially if it is backed by law with checks and balances. So that any person who feels his or her right is violated can seek redress and also obtain it.
A lot of people have talked about the imperative of state police. I think it will be a nice thing if we can have a pilot programme in states like Lagos , Rivers, Kano and maybe Enugu States. Let’s have a kind of an experimentation to see how it goes.
But as usually, every idea will have its own pros and cons. But I’m tempted to accept the idea. We should try it. We can make some mistakes but with time there will be an improvement and we will be better for it.
The National Conference recommended state police for only those states that can finance it. In other words it is not going to be the responsibility of the federal government to finance them. If my own idea of a police force is any thing to go by, that means the state police will have their own guns and ammunitions. Eheee! There are a lot of issues a involved oo if you look at it critically. Yes, it is a nice idea but I don’t think is should be a priority at this stage of our development where states, regions are agitating for self determination. Where there is a lot mistrust all over the places. Some are agitating that Nigeria should be divided and allthat.
Yes, the idea of state police is not a bad one but I will suggest that we keep it in view in interim. Let some other serious security challenges be properly addressed before we talk about state police.
Let me also advise that each state government should encourage the communities to have vigilante groups to a kind man surveillance in the respective communities rather than have a central police. Communities should be supported by state governments to have vigilante. At the end of the day, it will also be very good for the states.

Chief Jude Nwoka (Lecturer)
Saying that any state who desire and can finance it should go ahead and establish state police is not a better option. It should be a constitutional matter, uniform in all states. Security should not politicised. If the states that have the apparatus, that have the money are allowed to have their own police, those in authority will compromise it and security should not be compromised.
The federal government on its own cannot even fund the police. Institutions, states must assist in funding the police particularly now that the country is facing serious security challenges, security is a thing for all.
The state authorities will use the states police for their own advantage. Governors will like to use the police to achieve their own selfish interests. It could also be a means of siphoning the public purse. I think care must be taken to avoid a paralled force and contravening the constitution.
If I may ask, what is happening to other para-military agencies like Civil Defence and others? Why not empower them, put in money and materials to allow them perform security roles? Why not encourage our traditional rulers and chiefs to form vigilante groups and support them? Yes, we already have community police but it is not working. Local Government Chairmen are not doing what they are supposed to do. Because of institutionalised corruption in the country, local government chairmen are not committed to fighting crime. They have security votes which are never accounted for. We can make use of the vigilante groups, give them vehicles, gadget and use them purely for security purposes not for political patronage. If the local government chairmen who are given security votes can spend part of this money on the vigilante groups, they will be more effective and we all will benefit from that.
So for me, what we need now is how to strengthen and support the existing Nigerian Police Force and the para-military forces. State police will be counter productive, it will be undermining maximum security, those in power will recruit those on their camps and use them to fight their opponents.
Most importantly, security is not for government alone. Everybody should be involved.

Opinion

Curbing Youth Unemployment In Nigeria

Published

2 days ago

March 30, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “A nation that fails to empower its youth risks mortgaging its future.”

Youth, generally defined as individuals between the ages of 15 and 35, represent a critical phase of human development—a transition from adolescence to adulthood marked by ambition, energy, and the pursuit of purpose. In Nigeria, this demographic constitutes a significant proportion of the population, making it one of the country’s greatest assets. However, this strength is increasingly undermined by a persistent and troubling challenge: youth unemployment.

Unemployment, the condition of being without gainful employment despite the willingness and ability to work, remains a major global concern. In Nigeria, however, it has reached alarming levels, particularly among young people. With estimates suggesting that a substantial percentage of Nigerian youth are either unemployed or underemployed, the consequences have become deeply embedded in the nation’s social and economic fabric.

The impact of youth unemployment is both widespread and severe. Economically, it leads to increased poverty levels and reduced productivity. Socially, it fuels frustration, hopelessness, and disillusionment among young people. This often manifests in rising rates of crime, cyber fraud, substance abuse, and involvement in political violence. When young people are unable to find legitimate means of livelihood, they may become vulnerable to negative influences, posing a threat not only to themselves but to society at large.

One of the primary drivers of youth unemployment in Nigeria is the inadequacy of the educational system. While many young Nigerians graduate from tertiary institutions each year, a significant number lack the practical and technical skills required in today’s job market. The disconnect between academic curricula and industry demands leaves graduates ill-prepared for employment, thereby widening the gap between education and employability.

Furthermore, Nigeria’s heavy dependence on the oil sector has contributed significantly to the unemployment crisis. Over the years, this reliance has led to the neglect of other critical sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology—sectors that have the potential to generate large-scale employment. The failure to diversify the economy has limited job opportunities and stifled innovation, leaving many young people without viable career paths.

In addition, rapid population growth continues to put immense pressure on the labor market. Each year, thousands of graduates enter the workforce, but the number of available jobs remains insufficient to absorb them. This imbalance creates intense competition for limited opportunities, leaving many qualified individuals unemployed for extended periods.

Access to finance also remains a major barrier for young Nigerians who wish to venture into entrepreneurship. Despite the creativity and entrepreneurial spirit that many youths possess, the lack of access to credit facilities, mentorship, and business support systems makes it difficult for them to establish and sustain their own enterprises. This challenge is further compounded by infrastructural deficits, such as unreliable power supply and limited access to technology.

Security challenges across various parts of the country have also worsened the situation. In some regions, economic hardship and lack of opportunities have made young people susceptible to recruitment into violent or extremist activities. This not only exacerbates insecurity but also diverts the energy of the youth away from productive engagement.

Addressing youth unemployment in Nigeria requires a comprehensive and collaborative approach. The government must take the lead by implementing policies that promote economic diversification, particularly by investing in agriculture, manufacturing, and the digital economy. These sectors hold immense potential for job creation and can absorb a large portion of the unemployed youth population.

Equally important is the reform of the educational system to emphasize skill acquisition, vocational training, and entrepreneurship. Schools and institutions must align their curricula with market needs, ensuring that graduates are equipped with relevant and practical skills. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in facilitating internships, apprenticeships, and job placement programs.

The private sector also has a crucial role to play in driving job creation and innovation. By investing in youth-focused initiatives and supporting startups, businesses can help unlock the potential of young Nigerians. Additionally, financial institutions should develop more accessible and youth-friendly credit schemes to support small and medium-sized enterprises.

On an individual level, young people must embrace self-development, adaptability, and continuous learning. In an increasingly competitive and evolving global economy, acquiring digital skills, engaging in vocational training, and exploring entrepreneurial opportunities can significantly improve employability.

In conclusion, youth unemployment remains one of the most pressing challenges facing Nigeria today. However, it is not an insurmountable problem. With deliberate policies, strategic investments, and collective action from government, the private sector, and individuals, Nigeria can transform its youth population into a powerful engine of growth and development. By empowering young people with opportunities, skills, and resources, the nation can secure a more prosperous and stable future.

IVARA Favour Isaac is a student of Pan-African Institute of Management and Technology.

By: Ivara Favour Isaac

Opinion

Ozoro Festival: Tradition or Tyranny?

Published

2 days ago

March 30, 2026

The Tide

Quote:“These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.”

In recent days, national attention has turned to the small community of Ozoro in Delta State, where what was once described as a cultural fertility rite—the Alue-Do Festival—has become the subject of outrage, grief, and urgent national reflection. According to accounts from notable indigenes of Ozoro and the Isoko ethnic group, the festival was originally conceived as a symbolic ritual intended to bless couples struggling with conception. In theory, it was meant to celebrate life, continuity, and communal identity. However, what reportedly unfolded on March 22 bore no resemblance to any noble cultural ideal. Videos circulating widely on social media show groups of men chasing women, forcibly stripping them, and subjecting them to sexual assault in public spaces. These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.

They compel us to confront a difficult but necessary question: when does tradition cease to be culture and become tyranny? It is encouraging that prominent voices—including the First Lady, the Minister of Women Affairs, human rights organisations, and women’s advocacy groups—have condemned these barbaric acts. The Delta State Government has since banned the Alue-Do Festival, while law enforcement authorities have reportedly made arrests. Yet beyond the immediate outrage lies a deeper and more uncomfortable conversation—one that communities across the country must confront honestly: the thin line between culture and abuse. “Culture is not static—it evolves, or at least, it should.” Culture is often described as the soul of a people, encompassing traditions, beliefs, and practices passed down through generations. Nigeria is richly endowed with diverse cultural heritage, much of which we rightly celebrate.

However, when culture becomes a shield for harmful practices, it loses its moral authority. When actions that violate fundamental human rights are justified in the name of tradition, we must ask: whose culture is this, and at what cost? The events in Ozoro illustrate how a practice that may once have held symbolic meaning can devolve into something deeply harmful. Even if the Alue-Do Festival began as a benign fertility rite, its present manifestation—marked by violence and coercion—cannot be defended. “Culture must align with dignity, consent, and respect—anything less is not tradition, but abuse.” One of the most persistent arguments in defence of controversial practices is that they are “part of our heritage” and therefore beyond criticism. Yet harmful practices—child marriage, inhumane widowhood rites, and domestic abuse—have long been justified using this same reasoning. This argument is not only flawed; it is dangerous. No culture is above scrutiny, particularly when it endangers the rights and safety of its people.

History reminds us that many practices once considered “normal” are now widely condemned. Societies progress by questioning and reforming such practices—not by clinging to them. Nigeria is not exempt from this reality. As a nation governed by law and constitutional principles, we cannot afford to tolerate practices that undermine the rights of citizens—especially women. At the heart of the Ozoro incident lies a broader societal issue: the perception of women as objects rather than autonomous individuals. The actions of the perpetrators were not isolated—they were enabled by a mindset that sees women’s bodies as accessible, controllable, and, in some contexts, communal property. “Women are not possessions, prizes, or objects of exploitation—they are individuals with rights, agency, and dignity.” This mindset reflects a deeper systemic problem often described as “rape culture,” visible in victim-blaming narratives, the dismissal of harassment, and the silence that frequently surrounds abuse.

For meaningful change to occur, this mindset must be confronted directly. Parents, religious institutions, government agencies, and the media all have critical roles to play in reshaping societal attitudes. Traditional institutions also wield significant influence, particularly in rural communities. With that influence comes responsibility—not only to preserve culture but to ensure that cultural practices align with contemporary standards of human rights and decency.The reported denial by the Ovie of Ozoro Kingdom of knowledge of the recent festival raises important questions about oversight and accountability. Community leaders and members alike must rise to their responsibilities. Cultural practices are sustained by collective acceptance. Silence, indifference, or complicity only perpetuate harm. While cultural reform is essential, it must be accompanied by accountability. The arrests made in connection with the incident are a step in the right direction, but they must lead to tangible outcomes. “Justice must not only be done—it must be seen to be done.”

Allowing perpetrators of sexual violence to go unpunished sends a dangerous message—that such actions are tolerable. This fosters a culture of impunity. The law must be clear and unequivocal: sexual assault, in any form and under any guise, is a crime. It is not a cultural expression—it is a violation.It must be emphasised that calling for the abandonment of harmful cultural practices is not an attack on tradition, but a call to refine it. Culture, at its best, is dynamic—it adapts while preserving its core values.“Tradition should uplift, not oppress.” Modernising culture does not mean erasing identity. It means ensuring that traditions remain relevant, inclusive, and respectful of human dignity. As Nigeria continues to evolve, it must decide what kind of society it aspires to be: one that hides behind tradition to justify abuse, or one that embraces progress while honouring its heritage responsibly. The outrage over the events in Ozoro is justified—but outrage alone is not enough

. It must translate into action: legal, cultural, and educational. We must state, without ambiguity, that no tradition justifies the violation of human dignity. We must hold perpetrators accountable and challenge the attitudes that enable such acts. True development is measured not only by infrastructure or economic growth, but by how a society treats its most vulnerable members. “If a cultural practice dehumanises, degrades, or endangers, it has no place in a modern society.” Where tradition fails to uphold dignity, it ceases to be culture. It becomes tyranny.

By: Calista Ezeaku

Opinion

Bazia EXCO @ One: NUJ Rivers Reawakened

Published

1 week ago

March 23, 2026

The Tide

Quote: “For the first time in years, Rivers journalists are not just hearing promises—they are seeing a union that works.”

The first year in office of the Paul Bazia-led executive of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), has offered something many had almost given up on—renewed confidence in union leadership. For a body as critical as the NUJ, whose responsibility goes beyond professional coordination to include the welfare, protection, and continuous development of journalists, expectations are always high. Unfortunately, past experiences had conditioned many members to expect less—less action, less visibility, and less impact.This is why the past twelve months stand out. Within a relatively short period, the Bazia-led administration has demonstrated a level of drive that distinguishes it from its predecessors. There is a noticeable shift from inertia to activity, from routine administration to purposeful leadership. Initiatives captured in the one-year report point to an executive that understands both the urgency of its mandate and the frustrations of its members.

Particularly commendable is the renewed attention to journalists’ welfare. For too long, welfare issues have lingered without meaningful resolution, leaving many practitioners feeling unsupported. The current leadership’s efforts—through engagement, structured support, and timely interventions—signal a welcome change in priorities. Equally important is the push toward professional development. In an era where journalism is rapidly evolving, capacity building is no longer optional. The administration’s commitment to training and skill enhancement reflects an understanding that a stronger union must be built on more competent and competitive professionals. There is also something to be said about visibility and voice. A vibrant NUJ must not only serve its members internally but also stand as a credible voice in the public space—defending press freedom, promoting ethical standards, and constructively engaging critical issues.

Encouragingly, the current executive appears more present and responsive, giving the union a renewed sense of relevance. Perhaps what resonates most, however, is the sense of movement. For many members, the difference between the present and the immediate past is not subtle—it is clear. Where there was once stagnation, there is now direction. Where there was doubt, there is growing belief. Beyond the visible strides recorded within this first year, what perhaps deserves even greater applause is the restoration of institutional confidence within the Nigeria Union of Journalists. For a long time, many members had grown disenchanted, viewing the union more as a ceremonial body than an active force capable of defending their interests and advancing their welfare. That narrative, however, is gradually changing. The Bazia-led executive has not only initiated programs but has also rekindled a sense of belonging among members.

Meetings appear more purposeful, engagements more intentional, and decisions more reflective of collective interest. This psychological shift—subtle as it may seem—is one of the most critical achievements of the past year, because a union that its members believe in is already halfway to effectiveness. It is also important to underscore the contrast with the immediate past, not as an exercise in criticism, but as a necessary context for measuring progress. Where previous administrations struggled to translate plans into action, the current leadership has shown a greater bias for execution. Projects that once lingered in discussion stages are now seeing tangible movement, and issues that were previously deferred are receiving attention. This difference in approach—moving from prolonged deliberation to decisive action—has helped reposition the union as a more responsive and relevant institution.

While no administration is without its shortcomings, the willingness to act, even in the face of constraints, marks a significant departure from what members were accustomed to. Looking ahead, the expectations of members—and indeed the wider public—will only grow stronger. With a solid first year behind it, the Bazia-led executive now carries the burden of consistency. Members will expect deeper welfare interventions that go beyond immediate relief to more sustainable support systems. They will look for expanded training opportunities that prepare journalists for the rapidly changing media landscape. They will also expect a firmer, more courageous voice on issues affecting press freedom and professional integrity. Above all, they will demand continuity—assurance that the progress recorded so far is not a fleeting phase but the beginning of a sustained transformation.

Meeting these expectations will not be easy, but it is precisely this challenge that defines enduring leadership. That said, this moment of applause must also serve as a moment of reflection. A strong first year inevitably raises expectations. Journalists in Rivers State will now look beyond initial achievements toward consolidation. Welfare interventions must become more structured and far-reaching. Training programs must be sustained and expanded. Advocacy must become more consistent and impactful. Most importantly, the unity of the union must be strengthened, ensuring that all members feel included and carried along. Transparency will also be key. Continued open communication about finances, decisions, and challenges will deepen trust and set a standard for accountable union leadership. The task ahead is clear: to convert early momentum into lasting institutional progress.

For the Bazia-led executive, the opportunity is significant. It has, within one year, reawakened belief in what the NUJ Rivers State Council can be. The next step is to ensure that this renewed energy does not fade, but instead becomes the foundation of a stronger, more responsive, and more respected union. For the members, the message is equally clear—expect more, demand more, and support what works because in the end, a vibrant union is not built by leadership alone, but by a collective commitment to progress. And for now, under Bazia, that progress has truly begun.

By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi