Opinion
Boko Haram And Emergency Rule
A lot has been said about
the Islamic Terrorist group-Boko Haram Since 2010 when the group launched a wider attack on the nation and her citizens, the news media and social media have been inundated with stories on the inhuman activities of the out-lawed insurgent group and advice, suggestions on how to end the menace of terrorism in Nigeria,
But we cannot help but continue talking as long as the insurgents keep making life hellish for harmless Nigerians. We will definitely continue writing, hoping that some day, the right things will be done both by government and the governed to put an end to this nightmare. One of such is the dilemma over the extension or not of emergency rule in the three most affected north eastern states of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa.
In a few days, it will be one year since President Goodluck Jonathan declared state of emergency in the three worst hit States, following the resolution of the Senate. Hundreds of lives were wasted daily by the insurgents, worship places, markets, Police stations were bombed, schools were attacked, making the declaration of state of emergency in that zone inevitable, so as to stem terrorism and bring back peace in the area.
One year down the road, there are varied opinions on the effectiveness of this measure and whether or not the emergency rule has out-lived its usefulness. While the military and many Nigerians seem disposed to the renewal of the emergency rule upon its expiration this month, others like the governors of the affected States and Northern Elders Forum (NEF) consider it unnecessary.
In a recent interview with a national daily, the NEF, through its spokesperson, Professor Ango Abdullahi alleged that the security challenge in the North was politically motivated and that an extension of emergency rule would be basically for political gains.
“As far as we are concerned, the announcement about this entire emergency rule and so on, appears, to be politically motivated. Perhaps this is the reason why they are not taking adequate measures to make sure that there is adequacy of troops, equipment and motivation. From all the statements that are coming out, there is a political motive behind the insurgency and he way I is going. So to us, there is now an indication that this politics is being played by the administration to force itself into power in 2015”, Abdullahi said.
In the same vein, Adamawa and Yobe State governors, Adminal Murtalla Nyako and Alhaji Ibrahim Geidam, while reacting to the call by the former Federal Commissioner of Information and Ijaw National Leader, Chief Edwin Clark, for he extension of the ongoing State of emergency in their states and Borno as well as their suspension from office as governors, described such step as unconstitutional, undemocratic and counterproductive.
Speaking through his Director of Press and Public Affairs, Ahmad Sajoh, Nyako said, “Our position is that we do not support the renewal of the State of emergency in the North-east in general and in Adamawa State in particular. It is under the state of emergency that more people were killed in our state when compared to the period when there was no state of emergency. It is under the guise of the state of emergency that those who have unleashed violence on our people have carried out the most daring attacks”.
One cannot agree less with these northern leaders that the emergence rule has not live up to expectation especially not with the bloody massacre of school children, the recent attack of Nyanya motor park, Abuja which killed and maimed hundreds, and the abduction of over 230 students of Government Girls College, Chibok, Borno State, many of whose where about is yet still unknown.
That notwithstanding, when the implications of non-extension of the emergency rule in these crisis states are weighed it will still be in the interest of the states, their citizens and the entire country to have the emergency rule in place from a longer time. The northern elders have been complaining of inadequate troops on ground, and one cannot but imagine what will happen if these soldiers are totally withdrawn.
Some times, it is amazing when people blame the federal government for every problem in the society. There is certainty no way, the federal government alone can tackle the growing spate of insecurity in the country. The contribution of all and sundry is needed to achieve this. This is certainly not the time to trade blames but a period to join blames but a period to join hands together to fight the menace. As the Swalili proverbs says “If birds travel without coordination, they break each others wings”. If only politicians will heed the president’s appeal at a meeting last curb insurgency.
Most importantly, our political office holders should not forget that they were elected into office to protect the interest of the people. If therefore behoves on them to take decisions that will be of benefit to the generality of the people regardless of their own selfish interest. Instead of canvassing for a complete removal of state of emergence which will leave the harmless citizens once again at the mercy of the blood-thirsty terrorist, the north-east governors and indeed all northern leaders should seek for a change in strategy that can work side by side with the emergency rule.
The military should also justify the confidence reposed on them and the huge sum spent on the war on terrorism by ensuring that they carry out the duties effectively.
Calista Ezeaku
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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