Opinion
Do We Need More States?
One way of moving the country forward and accelerating the development of human, material and abundant solid mineral and crude oil and gas resources, some have argued, is by the creation of more States, along with institutionalizing true federalism as hallmark of democracy. The proponents of this line of thought argue that in order to escape from the excessive exploitation and now theft of crude oil, the nation’s major source of revenue, the domination of certain tribes or cultural groups, their own State is inevitable for them to massively exploit their resources and thereby develop at their own pace. They are quick to refer to the success so far recorded in general terms, following the balkanization of the country into 12 States structure in 1967 by the Gowon administration up from the four regional set-up that was in place at independence in October 1960, as the justification for the sustained agitation for more States. They may be correct, yet another school of thought thinks that States’ creation has been more of a curse than a blessing, just like the crude oil in the Niger Delta, because it has stymied the nation’s development in various ways. For instance, when General Gowon created 12 States in 1967, it was to satisfy a political expedient. This much was referred to recently in Abuja by a former minister of Science and Technology, Maj-General Sam Momah (rtd) during the launch of his book titled: “Nigeria Beyond Divorce,” when he said that creation of States at the initial stage was rather politically motivated and used as a strategy to stop Biafra from seceding. Thus, according to him, the clamour for the creation of more States, even in the midst of economic crunch was unnecessary.
He then suggested the restructuring of the country now to avert possible collapse of some States. Gen Momah argued that of the 36 existing States, only Lagos is self-sustaining while the rest depended on hand-outs to pay salaries. He wondered for how long the country should continue to be spoon-feeding the other 35 States, adding that the country could be split into about eight zones with each zone assuming the structure of a State. This, the ex-minister noted would curb the current huge governance expenditure, as well as frustration which had given rise to all sorts of inter-ethnic, sectarian and religious violence that has unfortunately become our lot at the expense of much needed development. Gen. Momah is not alone in this view. The former Commonwealth Secretary General, Chief Emeka Anyaoku while delivering this year’s third in the quarterly series of life’s testimonies, God In My Life, sponsored by the Torchbearer’s Society of the Archbishop Vining Memorial Church Cathedral, (AVMCC), Ikeja, Lagos expressed concern over the state of the country praying that “the nation might be sitting on a key of gunpowder.” Among the looming problems, Anyaoku referred to the Federal Government’s claim that it had made a truce with the Boko Haram, while the leader of the Islamic sect publicly announced that “they have not signed any truce with the infidels,” a situation he said was very critical, yet “our leaders and elites are living in denial of these facts.” But more importantly is the elder statesman’s reference to the structure of Nigeria. According to him, with the present structure, which made the centre very powerful and with primordial sentiment of every tribe wanting to control the centre, the nation cannot develop. He noted that if the nation wished to move forward, the country should return to true federation of six units with each developing at its own pace. This, he said, would nullify the huge expenses of running 36 States, “the structure that is gulping 70 per cent of our resources on just administration,” thus leaving little or nothing to take care of ASUU, decayed infrastructure and proper tackling of the power problem that holds the key to industrialization.
With these suggestions coming from fellow citizens who seem to also desire the best for their country, particularly for the youth who bear the brunt of the level of mis-governance over the time which imprints have left indelible mark in the sands of time, one wonders why some political and cultural groups are hell bent on having more States created even as the stark reality of the dependent nature of the existing ones stares us all in the face. Addressing members of Idoma National Forum (INF) who visited him to register their unhappiness over the rejection of creation of States by the Constitution Review Committee, Senate President, David Mark assured agitators for States creation not to be disillusioned as there is still opportunity to address the issue. Be that as it may, it is significant that about 61 requests for States creation is now before the Senate. Even as it appears that the constitution made it very difficult for new States to be created, the need to ensure that States, as federating units became solvent cannot be glossed over. This could be achieved by encouraging the existing States to independently exploited their resources in the spirit of true federation and so develop at their own peace. In addition to the constitution provisions for State creation, the agitators must provide clues as to how to beat unemployment in the areas they want as States, must enter into an agreement that the new States must not depend on federal government hand outs to survive, in addition, to listing time line for the phasing out of armed robbery, kidnapping and guarantee of uninterrupted electricity supply to the people. That our lawmakers would not subscribe to collapsing the country into six units is understood, but effort at enthroning principles of true federalism should be made to ensure survival of Nigeria.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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