Editorial
Revisit The Bakassi Issue Now
Apparently exasperated by the outrage exhibited by many
Nigerians over the October 10, 2002 International Court of Justice (ICJ)
decision that tended to cede Bakassi to Cameroon, the Nigerian Senate,
penultimate Wednesday, resolved that President Goodluck Jonathan should
urgently commence a process of appealing the judgement.
The Senate resolution came nearly two months after the
Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) expressed displeasure over the continued
dehumanistion of Bakassi indigenes, who have refused to change their
citizenship, despite the provision of the June 3, 2006 Green Tree Agreement
(GTA), which guides the execution of the judgement.
The Senate’s demand, though coming at the eleventh hour,
must be applauded as it is a reflection of the will of the people which should
be respected. Besides, the fate of the Bakassi people whose land Nigeria is too
quick to give away still hangs in the balance.
The Tide supports the call for a revisit especially with the
discovery of fresh facts within the last six months which the ICJ needs to
hear. Of course, the non-ratification of the judgement by the Nigerian National
Assembly as required by Geneva Convention also invalidates the judgement..
Notwithstanding the provision of Article 60 of the ICJ
statute which states that the court’s judgement is “final and without appeal,”
the NBA had even at that Abuja conference, urged the Federal Government to
“without further delay,” apply for a revision of the unjust judgement under
Article 61 which stipulates that a country could only seek a review of the
decision on the ground that it has unearthed fresh facts, within the last six
months, which it was oblivious of at the time of the trial.
Although the officials that represented Nigeria may have
made tragic blunders on this matter, the request of the National Assembly for a
revision of the ICJ decision is not out of place. Besides, the Bakassi people
have attempted to declare self rule for themselves to underscore the loss of
faith in Nigeria.
In a statement last Tuesday, the political leader of Bakassi
People’s General Assembly, Senator Florence Ita-Giwa said her people were ready
to provide evidence that would facilitate the restoration of the status of
Bakassi, a privilege she said they were denied of before the judgement.
Noting that “all the arguments being raised now and
positions being taken now have all been raised by us in the past, but were
ignored by the powers that be at that time,” Senator Ita-Giwa regretted that
the displaced Bakassi people, “have been left to wander all over Cross River
State like second class citizens since the signing of the Green Tree agreement
in 2006.”
Experts have opined that the judgement could be revised on
grounds of un-advertent bias, failure to take into consideration the
peculiarity of Bakassi and the people living there, the history and cultural
affiliations of the Bakassi people, the non-involvement of Bakassi people and
other Nigerians that have vital facts on the matter during the ICJ trial, among
others.
Worse still, in what amounted to shaving a man’s hair in his
absence, the Bakassi people were denied the right to self determine, through a
referendum, where they would want to belong, which such matters involving the
habitation of indigenous peoples normally require.
From all intent and purposes, the basis of Cameroon’s claims
fails every common sense test as their sole desire appears to stand only on the
desire to take control of the oil and gas wells in the peninsula.
While the hurry to handover Bakassi remains to be explained,
the possibility of another part of Nigeria being claimed by another country
would become almost predictable, as the failure to protect the land and people
of the country would have become too evident.
Already, the Bakassi people, have been pressured to the
point they want self rule. If this attempt is actualised without the Federal
Government taking concrete actions to ameliorate their anguish, the flood gates
of requests for self rule would have been opened to other people who may feel
un-protected under Nigeria.
While we are  happy
with the decision to revisit the matter by the Federal Government, we hope that
no stone would be left unturned this time. Let the consultation be wide and
deep and let the Bakassi people and their land not be given away for whatever
reason.
Editorial
Strike: Heeding ASUU’s Demands
 
														Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
 
														When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
Editorial
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