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EFCC And The Anti-Graft War

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The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was established by the former President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo in 2006, with the responsibility to fight corruption issues in Nigeria as an institution of government. The idea behind the establishment of the corruption  was to fashion a way to deal with the menace caused by the annoying and shameful institutional and official corruption that was weighing the country down in many ramifications.

Besides, the commission’s emergence was seen by most Nigerians as the best way to tackle the damaging problems caused by the advance fee fraud (419) quagmire and the money laundering and looting of public treasury by government officials as well as other forms of corrupt practices related to financial crimes and economic sabotage. It was also meant to tackle the worrisome problems of over-inflated government contracts, diversion of monies meant for the execution of contracts funded through taxpayers’ resources, and recovery of monies budgeted and released to fund abandoned government contracts.

When Obasanjo set up the EFCC, many Nigerians applauded the wisdom in the president’s decision to fight official corruption that had eaten deep into the very fabric of the country’s socio-cultural and economic systems. What excited most Nigerians with the Federal Government’s strategy was the fact that financial crimes in both public and private sectors had dragged the Nigerian state into the mud, causing the nation serious embarrassment and image problems locally and abroad.

In fact, before then, Nigeria’s rating on Transparency International (TI) corruption index was so pitiable and shameful that virtually every Nigerian was despised at global business, political and professional fora. Nigeria’s bilateral relations with so many world economies or nations began to wean, and foreign direct investments also continued to fizzle out, drying the economy, and creating a stifling condition for law-abiding citizens. Thus, the birth of the EFCC was received with a sigh of relief.

The responsibilities given EFCC by the then president were onerous. It was tasked to eliminate corruption in the nation’s economic and political systems. The commission was mandated to go into the very roots of corruption, uproot it, and deal with the forces promoting the scourge in the country. It was empowered to arrest, investigate and prosecute those Nigerians or foreigners living in the country found wanting in any case(s) of corruption. EFCC was mandated to spare no person, no matter how highly placed, as nobody was above the laws of the land.

Therefore, when the commission started its mission with Nuhu Ribadu as chairman, many Nigerians commended the leadership for ‘holistically’ fighting corruption in the country. Even such countries as the United States, United Kingdom, France and Germany lauded the dexterity and commitment of the Ribadu-led EFCC to fight corruption in Nigeria, and indeed, honoured the commission’s efforts with awards. Although a few were not satisfied with the way and manner it carried on with its operations, many were quite impressed with the activities of the anti-graft agency.

But today, many Nigerians are not satisfied with the result posted so far by the present leadership of the commission. Although the agency is trying to address the question of corruption frontally, it still faces enormous challenges. And these challenges border on a couple of legal and political factors.

For instance, some powerful politicians being investigated and some arrested had moved faster than the agency by using lawyers to procure injunctions stopping or barring EFCC from further prosecuting and jailing them for corruption. Some of these include former governors, senators, among others. Even some ‘419’ and other fraudsters have not been convicted because their lawyers had secured court injunctions restraining the commission from trying them for corruption.

Another aspect of this problem is the confusion being created by the office of the attorney-general of the federation. Over the last couple of years, that office has had to stall several corruption cases being handled by the EFCC, alleging that the commission had no locus standi to prosecute such persons, who had been investigated and presumed wanting in corruptly enriching him or herself. This conflict over responsibilities has, in no small measure, worked against the fight to curb corruption in the society.

Despite all these, most Nigerians still believe that the EFCC has enough powers to fight corruption to a stand-still. Even some members of the National Assembly said so recently when the Chairman of the commission, Mrs Farida Waziri appeared before the honourable members recently.

But if it is true that the EFCC Act has enough provisions to prosecute any corrupt official, why is it that the commission has not been able to apprehend and prosecute some accused public and private office holders alleged to have amassed wealth at the expense of the public? Why is it that some ex-governors, ministers, ex-bank executives, ex-government-owned company board chieftains, chief executive officers and so on have not been arrested and prosecuted till date? Why is it that no public office holder found guilty of corruption has been sentenced for a long term in jail? Why is it that most of those who had stolen public funds still walk the streets as poor and innocent as you and I?

I think that for the war against corruption to be fought and won by the commission, all Nigerians need to support its efforts. Government must muster the political will to encourage and assist EFCC leadership to do its work better by strengthening and empowering the anti-graft agency. The law enforcement agencies must synergise to collective fight and cripple the menace of corruption in Nigeria. Businessmen and women, company chiefs, government officials must respect the law by following due process in everything they do.

Of course, financial crimes had almost forced the nation to its kneel. Having come this far, it is necessary to appeal to all Nigerians to rise to the occasion by throwing their weight behind the present leadership of the EFCC. It is high time we, as individuals and as Nigerians, stopped pretending that things would get better soon. Nothing would get better except we collectively weigh in by avoiding those things that lure us into corrupt practices. We must show leadership because we are all leaders.

Methinks officials of government at all levels should stop diverting attention to the real issue of corruption, and join hands with the commission to confront the hydra headed burden for the future of all. I think the statements coming from the office of the attorney-general over who is actually responsible in the prosecution of corrupt persons is unnecessary, and needs to be guided forthwith.

In advanced countries such as the United States, and United Kingdom, the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI), Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), Department of Homeland Security, and the Office of the US Attorney-General, cannot disagree over whose purview it is to investigate and prosecute economic crimes and related offences. The same goes for the Scotland Yard or UK Police Department and the office of the Secretary of Police Affairs.

Therefore, it is not in the interest of the country that both the EFCC and the office of the attorney-general should be fighting over who has the legal right to prosecute corrupt officials or cases. This, no doubt, helps to weaken the powers of the EFCC and the fight against corruption.

What Nigerians expect the President Goodluck Jonathan administration to do is to leave a remarkable footprint in the fight against corruption. To achieve this, the commission must be given the free hands to do its work. Neither the executive, the legislative, nor the judiciary should slow down the work of the commission through unnecessary legal interpretations or excessive arrogation of powers to themselves.

Nigerians know that corruption is everywhere in the land. Fraud is eating the nation dry. Unnecessary inflation of contracts is still the norm in most local, state, federal government bureaucracies. Politicians are enriching themselves silly with public money that should have been pumped into genuine development projects.

If Jonathan must succeed in his transformation agenda, then all Nigerians have one duty to perform: Support EFCC to win the war against corruption in Nigeria. It is our responsibility as citizens!

Ogwuonuonu, a public affairs analyst, writes from Port Harcourt.

Frank Ogwuonuonu

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Opinion

Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

That  U.S. Capture of Maduro

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Quote:”Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction.”
The first part of this story was published in our last edition.
 
In Africa and the Middle East, regime change—whether by invasion, proxy warfare, or sanctions—has often left behind fractured states, weakened institutions, and prolonged instability. Washington’s motivations in Venezuela are widely understood: vast oil reserves, alliances with U.S. rivals, and symbolic defiance of American influence in the Western Hemisphere. But none of these reasons confer legal or moral legitimacy. Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction. If every powerful nation acted on its grievances in this manner, global chaos would inevitably follow. International law provides mechanisms for accountability. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), individuals accused of crimes against humanity or other grave offences are subject to investigation and prosecution through judicial processes.
Likewise, extradition treaties, mutual legal assistance agreements, and Interpol mechanisms exist to ensure accountability while respecting due process. These frameworks were designed precisely to prevent unilateral enforcement of “justice” by military force. The most profound consequence of America’s action may not be in Caracas, but in the precedent it sets. If the world accepts that a superpower can unilaterally depose another country’s president, then the foundation of the international system is weakened. Sovereignty becomes conditional—no longer a right, but a privilege tolerated at the discretion of the powerful. Going forward, if another country invades its neighbour, will the United States retain the moral authority to impose sanctions or demand restraint? Some analysts already warn that parallels between Russia’s actions in Ukraine and America’s conduct in Venezuela risk further eroding global norms. Selective adherence to international law breeds cynicism and accelerates the drift toward a world governed by force rather than rules.
Power—military, economic, or political—should serve human progress and collective well-being, not domination and destruction. For African nations, many of which emerged from colonial rule through bitter struggle, this precedent is especially alarming. Sovereignty is not an abstract legal concept; it is a hard-won shield against external domination. Any erosion of that principle anywhere weakens it everywhere. Africa’s painful history of foreign interference makes this lesson especially urgent.  For me, the real issue is not whether Nicolás Maduro is a good or bad leader. That judgment belongs, first and foremost, to the Venezuelan people. The larger issue is whether the international system still operates on law—or has quietly reverted to hierarchy. If America insists it is defending global order, it must ask itself a difficult question: can an order survive when its most powerful guardian feels entitled to violate it? Until that question is answered honestly, the capture of a foreign president will remain not a triumph of justice, but a troubling symbol of a world drifting from law toward force.
If the United States felt so strongly about the allegations of terrorism, drug trafficking  against Maduro, were there no other lawful options? Judicial accountability, diplomacy, regional mediation, and multilateral pressure may be slow and imperfect, but they reflect respect for international law and sovereign equality. Military seizure is a blunt instrument. It humiliates institutions, radicalizes populations, and hardens resistance. It may remove a leader, but it rarely resolves the underlying crisis. History teaches that military interventions seldom result in stable democratic outcomes. More often, they breed resentment, resistance, and long-term instability. For the sake of global order and the rule of law, the United States should reconsider this path and recommit to diplomacy, legal cooperation, and respect for the sovereign equality of states. Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly described the invasion of Venezuela as “unlawful and unwise,” warning that such actions “do not make America safer, stronger, or more affordable.” Her words reflect a growing recognition, even within the United States, that force without legitimacy undermines both moral authority and global stability.
Should what happened in Venezuela serve as a wake-up call for corrupt African leaders who undermine the people’s right to choose their leaders? The answer is yes. The capture of Maduro should alarm African leaders who manipulate elections, weaken institutions, suppress opposition, undermine citizens’ rights, or cling to power at all costs. Venezuela faced widespread criticism over disputed elections and repression long before this episode, and that context shaped how the world reacted. This does not justify foreign military intervention, but it highlights an uncomfortable truth: prolonged democratic decay isolates nations and invites external pressure—from sanctions to diplomatic censure. Global opinion matters, and legitimacy at home strengthens sovereignty abroad. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and several African leaders have rightly condemned the events in Venezuela, invoking the principles of sovereignty and non-interference enshrined in international and regional law.
Beyond condemnation, however, African leaders must look inward. The continent’s future cannot be built on repression, constitutional manipulation, and personal greed. Leadership must reflect the will of the people, not desperation for power. Two days ago, a social commentator on a radio station argued that Trump’s action—though condemnable—demonstrates how far a leader can go for his country’s interest. According to this view, he did not intervene in Venezuela for personal enrichment, but to strengthen his nation. In stark contrast, many African leaders plunder their own countries. They siphon public resources, impose crushing taxes and harmful policies, and leave their citizens poorer—all for selfish gain. That contradiction is the deeper lesson Africa must confront.True sovereignty is protected not only by international law, but by accountable leadership at home.
 By:  Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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