Opinion
Nigeria And Debt Burden
Amidst conflicting claims that Nigeria external debt has blown up again after the country’s exit from Paris club, the House of Representatives summoned the Minister of Finance, Alhaji Mansur Mukhtar to appear before its ad-hoc committee on foreign loans on 16th February , 2010 to clarify issues pertaining Nigeria’s external debts .
Nigeria’s exit from the Paris club debt was in 2005/2006. of course the country’s debt dropped from what it used to be before the exit process commenced, the external debt stock stood at about United States $35.94billion by the end of December, 2004.
Murhktar urged the house committee to disregard insinuating of the increase in the country’s debt asserting emphatically that the debt stock dropped dramatically and substantially after the ccountry’s exit from Paris Club (in 2005/2006). He said ; “By end –December 2006. The stock was a much lower amount of USB 3.54 billion. The debt stock figure by end-december ,2007 was USD 3.65 billion, by end – December,2008 it was USD 3.72, and by end –December, 2009, it was USD 3.97 billion”.
It is worthy to note that….the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria did not specifically make provision on borrowing. However, under the second schedule, section 4, item 7, of the exclusive legislative list, the National Assembly is conferred with the powers to make laws in respect of borrowing of money within or outside Nigeria for the purpose of the federation of a state. Pursuant to this power the National Assembly has enacted the debt management Act, 2003 and the fiscal responsibility Act , 2007.
In particular , section 19 (1)and(2) of the DMO Act requires that the borrowing programme for every succeeding year be approved by the national assembly . In compliance with this requirement, the borrowing programme for fiscal 2010 has been included as part of the 2010 appropriation bill.
The Finance Minister clarify that state governments are not allowed to borrow directly from external source. And that a state government or its agency can obtain external loans only through the federal Government. (Fiscal Responsibility Act, Section 47 (3)). In accessing external loans, a government or its agency has to comply with the relevant guidelines and requirements which derives from responsibility Act and the DMO Act .These include: the national debt management framework , the external borrowing guidelines and the sub- national borrowing guidelines. External borrowing by the federal and state governments within the borrowing programme included in the budget are still subjected to these guidelines by the debt management office under the authority of the minister of finance .In essence , there is effective control to ensure compliance with the provisions of the constitution and other external laws and guidelines.
In line with the current national borrowing guidelines, Nigeria’s external borrowing since the exit from the Paris Club and London Club debts has been limited to concessional sources. These credits, essentially from the international development association(IDA) and African development fund (ADF) windows , of the World Bank and the ADB, respectively, have a 40-year repayment period including a 10 –year grace period. (Murkhtar said although several loans were considered, negotiated and processed between 2007 and 2009, only $1,831.60 billion became effective during the period. The total amount drawn down between 2007 and 2009 was $1,318.22 billion , which was made up of $880.89 million (disbursements on old loans contracted before 2007 ), and $437.33 million (disbursements on loans contracted between 2007 and 2009).
Part of the reason for the misunderstanding of Nigeria’s external debts , He said ,is the non- recognition that when Nigeria paid off its paris club and London club debts, it did not pay off its multilateral debts, as this was neither necessary nor desirable. Only the problematic and the odious component the external debt was cleared off.
Much of the external debts remaining after the exit from the Paris and London club debts are loans from multilateral financial institution (word bank, African development bank, international fund for agricultural development, etc). The loans from this source constitute about 85% of the country’s external debt stock as at march 31, 2009. It is pertinent to note that about 83% of the interest charges: service charge of 0.75%p.a and long repayment periods of 40 years and above, including a grace period of 10 years.
In view of their long tenors, implying gradual installment payments, it is obvious that some of the outstanding loans were contracted more than 20 years ago and cannot be contributed to the last few years. Indeed, some of the loans were contracted in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s for various infrastructural and social development projects. It is because their payments were scheduled to be gradual so as not to put serious burden of Fiscal resources, that part of them are still outstanding. That the loans have a long repayment period is beneficial, given the nature of the projects and services they financed – projects and services like basic education, health and rural water supply, as well as roads whose revenue-generating impact is at the best slow, small and indirect. More importantly, it should be noted that much of the loans were applied to the provision of social and infrastructural services over the years. There is no doubt that some of the infrastructure funded in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s are still useful assets to the people.
While the Post-Paris Club external debt stock has remained sufficiently restrained, it does vary up and down within reasonable limits even if no new loans have been incurred. This is because old loans could still be disbursing while, at the same time, repayments of principal amounts due could be taking place. The direction of the swing in the outstanding debt stock, therefore, depends on the net result of disbursements and repayments.
Nevertheless, the Finance Minister assumed that government is committed to ensuring debt sustainability and avoiding a replace into the pre-Paris Club debt exit situation. In line with this posture, the Debt Management Office has developed a National Debt Management Framework (NDMF) to guide the policy and strategy for external and domestic borrowing by the federal and states governments, as well as their agencies. The NDMF contains specific guidelines for borrowing, designed not only to limit borrowings to sustainable levels but also to ensure that there is a value for money and that the use of funds leads to the growth, employment and poverty reduction. Further, the DMO working closely with the Ministry of Finance, the CBN, the National Planning Commission and other agencies conducts annually, a Debt Sustainability Analysis (DSA) to keep track of the statics and dynamics of the public debt sustainability under changing local and external scenarios.
For the same reason, the DMO he said is making significant progress in implementing the Template foe helping every of the 36 States of the Federation.
Justus Awaji
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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