Opinion
FG’s Amnesty: Hopes And Uncertainty
Okere Chimezie
From June, 2009 to date, the media have been awash with an array of opinions and views concerning the Federal Government’s amnesty offer to Niger Delta militants. What exactly it means, its importance, success and perhaps failures.
This period is a period of grace and pardon to insurgents who repent from their actions and surrender arms to the Federal Government within the stipulated time, say two months, within which such persons would have nothing against them in relation to their past activities.
The deadline for Federal Government’s amnesty offer ended 12 midnight Sunday, 4 October, 2009. After that date, fanatics maintain that it would remain business as usual. Maybe the more readily determined to combat crime by federal government, the more offensive the insurgence.
Between the duo, the ordinary man is locked opinion wise to discern who actually pardons who. This is evident in Federal Government amnesty offer to militant.
In view of the foregoing, it is not wrong to say that as much as parents have the responsibility to pardon their children whenever they err, so do children have the audacity to forgive their erring parents. As humans, we are bound to err, but it takes divinity to forgive.
But then, are these militants naturally cantankerous? No I say with all conviction. As history reveals that Niger Deltans, especially the Ijaws are naturally endowed with means of survival rather than being offensive to others.
Evidently, the armed struggle to fight and live by the present Niger Delta agitators, may not be unconnected to the prophecy of one of the earliest agitators of Niger Delta, Isaac Adaka Boro. In his posthumously published book The Twelve-Day Revolution, Isaac Boro held that the need to have a Niger Delta State created out of what we had then presents a logical case owing to the peoples’ distinct history.
He then furthers his demand for the creation of Niger Delta in view of the peoples’ viability. In what would have been an act of militancy, by today’s definition, he declared that “if Nigerian government refuses to do something to drastically improve the lot of the people, certainly a point of no return would be reached; them evil is a foot.”
As Isaac Boro was not the only voice as at his time, there were others who approached the issue in a more ‘gentlemanly’ manner like T.N. Paul Birabi, Melford Okilo, Chief Harold Dappa-Biriye and other champions of Niger Delta freedom?
Ironically, the reason behind government’s outrageous refusal to the demands of Niger Delta people more than half a century ago was Ipso facto, that we then had an economy that was a little bit diversified. If not for oil, other sectors could serve. With the advent of mono-economy now in place, no oil, no economy, no revenue, and no allocation. What a sorry state!
In the crisis rocking Nigeria’s only deltaic region, the role of the seven-sister ol companies – who claim to have come to develop Nigeria, but must on condition write the agreement for landlords to sign – are left out in the whole matrix.
According to Civil Liberty Organisation (CLO), Shell for instance, is particularly mentioned. In petition number 1467, Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP), at the Port Harcourt sitting of the Pout Panel, adduced evidence that Shell set Ogonis against one another and instigated the government to crush Ogoni resistance to Shell’s method of doing business.
Though Shell denied the allegations, but admitted it bought 107 berretta pistols for use by Police assigned to guard its property against criminal action 23 years ago.
In February 2000, 27 communities in Bayelsa alone accused Shell of fueling crisis among them.
In the meantime, militancy, kidnapping and other social vices are not the best option to resolving the crisis or have demands heeded to. Neither would militarizing Niger Delta hold water. The demand for 100 per cent resource control as a condition to seize-fire is good, but not the summon bonum, as enjoying what we have alone, and become obsessed will not best define us a distinct people.
Nevertheless, ammon avis is for the majority tribes to accept the realities of the nation’s diversities and operate true federalism, by seeing that at least 50 per cent derivation formula is approved.
If true, the statement credited to Dr. Atuboyedia Ibianeme, the INC President by the media that Federal Government amnesty was a display of executive arrogance, which means there is a war of wit between the government and militants concerning amnesty. The I should not be seen as unpatriotic fellow if imminent failure of amnesty programme is extrapolated.
But then, as the people keep faith in God to see an end of the crisis one day, militants and Federal troops should have the axiom that, where two elephants fight, it’s the grass that bears the brunt. He who fights and runs must certainly come back to fight.
In the words of John F. Kennedy, “If a man refuses to put an end to violence, violence will put an end to man”.
Chimezie is of the Dept. of Mass Comm, RSUST PH.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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